How a Moscow businessman dealt with a Chechen gang
You can only speak with Chechen bandits in their language. Law enforcement agencies cannot do this, especially when they need to act in Chechnya itself. Vice President of LUKOIL International Musa Keligov, whose brother was kidnapped, found another way out. He carried out a military operation in the very lair of the Chechen Wahhabis - Urus-Martan. Seven bandits led by Brigadier General Rizvan Varaev are killed, the hostage is free. Brothers MUSA and MAGOMED KELIGOV told Kommersant correspondent MAXIM Y-STEPENIN how events developed.
"I spoke while holding a grenade ring."
Musa Keligov himself made an appointment with me after he read an article in Kommersant about the death of the Chechen field commander Ruslan Khaikharoev (it was published on September 9). “I met with him,” Musa explained. “And with many others too. Probably with everyone you wrote about. And I want everyone to know: these bandits are not Muslims at all. They have neither Allah nor the Koran. The Almighty is money. They are ready to do anything for it. But life turned out in such a way that I myself had to organize an “uncontrolled armed group” in Chechnya. I had to kill and take hostages. I could not imagine that this could happen to me. ".
Of the five Keligov brothers, 36-year-old Musa is the most respected. He commanded a reconnaissance platoon in Ruslan Aushev's regiment in Afghanistan. Then he became Aushev’s deputy in the Committee for the Affairs of Afghan Soldiers and, over time, became the vice president of a LUKOIL subsidiary.
The eldest of the brothers, Magomed, was in charge of a gas station in the Ingush city of Malgobek. I went to Grozny on business. There, on September 15 last year, he was kidnapped.
For three months the kidnappers did not make themselves known. During this time, his 16-year-old daughter died in the hostage's family. The girl could not stand the separation from her father, and she suffered a heart attack. Now the Keligovs considered Magomed’s kidnappers to be the murderers of his daughter.
“Our funeral lasts three days,” says Musa. “When they buried the girl, our father said that if Magomed is returned during this time, he will forgive them before the Almighty.” Instead, intermediaries appeared. They demanded $5 million, but we all swore that we would not give a ransom. Moreover, they announced a reward for anyone who could point out the kidnapper. In the end, I figured it out myself.
- From Moscow?
- For what? He left everything and went to Ingushetia. He explained to Alekperov that he must fulfill his duty to his brother. He understood me. Thanks to him.
I traveled to Chechnya several times and met with field commanders. He explained that I would find the kidnapper and he would die. But everyone swore that it was not them and promised to help. Eventually, the tracks led to Urus-Martan, the center of Chechen Wahhabism. I met with their commanders, including Arbi Baraev (kidnapper and one of the suspects in the explosion at the Central Market of Vladikavkaz - Kommersant). In fact, he is not as “cool” as you wrote, but he is a complete bandit. I spoke to Barayev while holding my finger in the ring of an anti-tank grenade.
In the end, I learned that the kidnapping was the work of Rizvan Varaev’s group. He is one of 12 military emirs (commanders - Kommersant) of the Wahhabis of the Urus-Martan jamaat (Muslim community - Kommersant). The action was directly organized by his deputy. It turned out to be Magomed's Ingush neighbor Suleym Tsechoev. By the way, his body was found a week ago. Gradually I identified everyone who participated in the abduction. These are 27 Chechens and Ingush. I knew all their names, addresses, telephone numbers.
— Did the field commanders help?
- No. Although some of them warned Varaev that this time he would not be forgiven as a prisoner. The Main Directorate for Combating Organized Crime of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the North Caucasus Regional Directorate for Combating Organized Crime helped with information and in general everything that was possible. Also Ruslan Aushev. He also turned to Maskhadov, and he would also be glad to help, but he could not. Maskhadov, after all, even goes to Aushev in Nazran not on a straight road (that’s seventy kilometers), but on a detour, although this is twice as far. A short road goes through Urus-Martan.
Ordinary Chechens also helped. Normal people live there. They plow the land, graze the cattle... Of those who remained there, eighty percent of the population curses these bandits. After all, they live mainly through kidnappings, and they have many Chechens hostage. For some they will take a truckload of potatoes, for others they will take a cow. Even the father of one of the leaders of the Varaev gang told me that if I kill his son, he will forgive me in advance before Allah. After all, these are geeks.
Each village has its own commander
Musa gathered 86 people from his clan and went with them to Chechnya. There he acquired everything he needed for the war, set up camp in an abandoned pioneer camp near Bamut and trained the detachment every day. “It was impossible to do this in Ingushetia,” he explained. “There you are immediately imprisoned for weapons. But in Chechnya, whatever you want, please.”
- So, no problems with the Chechens?
- What are the problems? If you are weak and unarmed, you will, of course, be kidnapped right away. But no one will touch the strong and armed. There is no power there. Each village has its own commander. In Bamut, for example, there was both the official head of the administration and the field commander Ruslan Khaikharoev. But none of them ever approached me. They knew who I was, what I was doing there and what I needed. But they are Vainakhs (that’s what Chechens and Ingush call themselves. - Kommersant), and Vainakh law does not allow interfering in the affairs of an armed group. Unless, of course, you came to them with a war. In addition, Khaikharoev himself was at enmity with the Urus-Martan Wahhabis and robbed them. They don’t like Wahhabis at all: because women must cover their faces, because they don’t recognize adats (customs). For Wahhabis, the law is Sharia and the Emir. For the Vainakhs, the main thing is adat and father.
— So, any armed group can settle there and train?
- Yes, if the eldest in it is a Vain. At first I didn’t know this myself and was simply amazed.
During all my time in Chechnya, I never met Varaev. He fled to the mountains and sat there for two or three months. He sent me threats, I responded in kind. I didn’t declare any money for him, and then I stole his father. I borrowed a KamAZ for a hundred dollars, pretended that I was selling diesel fuel, drove to Urus-Martan - and straight into his yard. He threw the old man into the car and drove away. But then I had to let him go: Varaev was so greedy that he refused the exchange.
- What, other Wahhabis watched calmly as you chased after Varaev? Or does everyone deal with their own problems there?
“If you fight with one of them on their territory, then everyone will stand up for him.” But the fact is that the Koran prohibits all theft. Naturally, kidnappings (unless it is a military enemy). And since they consider themselves messengers of Allah, then they must admit that the kidnapper is the enemy of the Almighty. This means Varaev too. And so there was such a compromise: they don’t openly stand up for him and don’t bother me. But they did not allow me to carry out an operation against this gang. I tried to resolve this issue with the spiritual emir of the Chechen Wahhabis, Abdurakhman (he is a Chechen of Jordanian origin; on September 9 he was killed in Dagestan) and realized that all these messengers of Allah are one gang. At the first meeting, Abdurakhman said: “You work with the Alekperovs, you have money - pay.”
- What happened to your brother, did you know?
- No. But the bandits kept asking for ransom. In response, I demand a videotape with him, and they: “Okay, but first give me $100 thousand and swear on the Koran that you will pay $3 million later.” And I began to act.
Hunt for the Emir
Musa’s detachment stormed houses four times where Magomed might have been hidden. There was no brother, but four Chechen hostages were saved.
Varaev was hunted like an animal, but he avoided all the traps. Then it turned out that Musa had a spy in his detachment: Varaev recruited him by kidnapping one of his relatives. But in Grozny one of the Varaev militants was caught. He promised to help if Musa let him go. He let me go, giving a stern parting word. And I was right.
The bandit said that Varaev would be in Urus-Martan and it would be better to take him when he and his militants left the yard of the house: “There are three cars in the column, Varaev in the second.”
On July 22, 14 people, led by Musa, drove to Urus-Martan in three Zhiguli cars. Just in case, they took the defector with them, throwing him in the trunk. At two o'clock in the afternoon, Varaev, as his bandit had said, left in three cars with guards. But he didn’t go far: fire was opened on them right on the territory of the village. Four were shot in the first car, two in the second. The third left: the grenade launcher missed. Among the dead was Varaev's younger brother Aslan, who was driving the second car. Rizvan, who was sitting next to him, was taken alive.
“I didn’t know exactly which of them was which,” Musa continues, “they all look alike, all bearded. I ordered the living one and both corpses from the second car to be thrown into the trunks, and then we’ll figure it out. We had already driven about five hundred meters when the survivors began to fire on us the militants wounded four of us and disabled one car. I still don’t understand how 15 people, including Rizvan, two corpses, and the bandit who was in the trunk from the very beginning, fit into the “nine” and “six”. "We then deliberately tried to repeat this - it didn’t work. But that’s not all. Before we had time to move, a bullet pierced the wheel. I’ve never seen wheels changed so quickly: it’s as if the broken wheel was simply torn off and the whole one was put back on."
- What about the people in the village?
“But no one understood anything there.” At first they didn’t pay any attention to the shooting; they were shooting there every minute. Then the bandits realized that this was an attack on Varaev. But my radio was tuned to the Wahhabi wave, and I heard them shouting: “These are Ingush, keep the bald one,” that is, me (the rest were wearing masks). Then we took the “by contradiction” method: we went not to Ingushetia, which is about fifteen or twenty kilometers from there, but brazenly, through the entire Urus-Martan, to Grozny, and from there to Ingushetia. It's one hundred and twenty kilometers.
After that, they immediately brought me a cassette with Magomed. The appearance is inhuman: all white, thin, overgrown. In exchange, they demand a tape with both Varaevs (they did not know that Aslan was killed) and immediately want a ransom. And not only for his brother: “You killed our people and, according to Sharia law, you must pay for it. Otherwise, we will kill our brother.” Kill, I say. But I have two more here, and I know you all and will not calm down.
Then on August 19 they bring me a new cassette. It's even worse than the first one. Magomed is shot in the leg in front of the camera and told: “Ask for money.” But he didn’t! “The next bullet,” they tell me, “will be in the head.”
Okay, I say. And I show them my tape. There is a living Rizvan and a dead Aslan. You, I say, shot you in the leg, and for that I shot you in the mouth. But you won’t receive the tape, and in two days, if we don’t exchange during this time, come for two heads to the Chechen-Ingush border. Give me your brother’s body and in exchange you will receive the bodies of all your own.
They agreed to exchange hostages, but an hour before the meeting I shot Rizwan.
— Were you afraid of losing your brother?
— I took risks, of course. But he won. On August 31, about two hundred people from their side and 57 from ours gathered at the border. Their commander and I got into my Gazelle to sort of discuss the details: “Well, how are you?” - “Yes, everything is fine.” - “In short, so,” I say, “Rizvan is dead. He’s lying behind him, look.” I immediately put a pistol to the commander’s head: “If you don’t order your brother to be transferred to this side right now, you’ll lie down next to me. I’ll count to three.” He takes the radio: “Everything is fine. Magomed is here.” They were afraid to pursue us. That's how it all ended.
— It turns out that by killing Rizvan, you deceived them?
- No. We tried to come to an amicable agreement and only then swore that we would take revenge. And I immediately told Varaev that he would die for the death of my niece. But if he tells the truth, he will die easily; no - I will remember everything I was taught in Afghanistan. And he said that eight people were kidnapped by Chechens and Ingush alone. He shot four of them; no ransom was paid for them. He also told how he killed a nine-year-old Ossetian boy during the kidnapping. Varaev himself gagged him, but the boy had some kind of disease in his nose, and he suffocated. Then the bandits opened his eyelids, took a photograph and took 300 thousand rubles from his father as if he were alive. Such people have no right to live. Have you recently seen footage on NTV of hostages having their heads cut off and their fingers shot off? This was just filmed in Urus-Martan.
- If you had not caught Varaev, he would now be in Dagestan...
- I definitely would. He is, after all, one of their main emirs, and he has already been appointed commander of one of the directions. After him, his assistant Aslan Tachaev, nicknamed Abdula, became the emir, and Salambek Dzhamalkhanov became his deputy. It was his father who forgave me in advance for his murder.
Friends of Allah
Now both Keligov brothers are in Moscow. Rescued Magomed, like Musa, is friendly and smiles, but he doesn’t want to talk about what happened. He was brief: “I didn’t see the sun all year in captivity: I sat in chains in the basement. Even when they changed me, they only removed one chain from my leg. They left the second.”
— Did they talk to you about anything?
“They said that the Almighty gave them permission to kidnap people. But I still don’t understand why. I am a Muslim, I had no enemies, and I have not done anything bad to anyone. In any case, to them. Why kidnap me? “It doesn’t matter,” they answer, “we can.” Every such dispute ended in a dead end for them. As a result, they hardly spoke to me for the last six months. The only thing they explained was that my brother Musa is the enemy of Allah. He served in Afghanistan and killed Muslims. So, I say, you kill Muslims too. No, they say, only enemies. And for Wahhabis, everyone is an enemy.
— Was it scary?
“When my brother killed their people, I thought that death was very close.”
— Was that the strongest impression?
- No. The worst thing is the constant feeling of hunger. Usually a quarter of a roll and tea were given a day. I lost 25 kg.
"Let them honor it!"
A few days before the release of Magomed, Ruslan Khaikharoev, who controlled this territory, was killed in Bamut. Lately he had been unlucky in business, and people began to leave him. In this regard, the influence of the legitimate, so to speak, head of the local administration has increased there. He, according to the GUBOP, even entered into an armed conflict with the bandit: he freed four Georgian hostages. Khaikharoev responded by having a showdown with the head of the administration. As a result, there were eight corpses on each side. At the same time, Khaikharoev’s brother died, but he himself remained alive. They killed him later. The GUBOP does not know how this happened.
- Musa, maybe you know?
“I heard that a sniper shot him.” Khaikharoev was sitting in his yard, and he fired from the nearby forest. Hit my leg. It was impossible to take Khaikharoev to Grozny, since the road there was through Urus-Martan. And there they would immediately cut off his head. Therefore, he was taken to Nazran and placed in a hospital under a false name. But someone recognized the bandit, and he died.
Khaikharoev was no better than Varaev. For example, I personally bought one Ossetian from him. I’m talking to Khaikharoev at his house, and there’s this bearded man walking around with death and horror in his eyes. I ask who it is. “Ossetian,” answers Khaikharoev. “They haven’t paid a ransom for him for six months, I’ll probably kill him.” I felt sorry. “If only I had one Ossetian,” I say, “I would take my soul away.” And Khaikharoev knows that Ossetians and Ingush are in conflict. He says: "Buy it." I bought it for $1 thousand. In order not to arouse suspicion, I ordered my people to throw the prisoner in the trunk. I took him to the border. What is your name, I ask. He is silent, thinking, I will kill. I let him go. And from afar he shouted to me: “What’s your name? Who should I pray for?” “Man,” I answer.
-Aren't you afraid of revenge?
— Actually, there are rumors that the Urus-Martan Shura has already passed a verdict on me. Well, don't care about them. Let them be afraid. True, maybe they were already killed in Dagestan. If not, let them know: I won’t touch ordinary fighters unless they get into trouble themselves, but I will never forgive the leaders. This is what I will do: I will buy a pack of newspapers with this article and scatter them in Urus-Martan. Let them honor it.
Kommersant warns that the anti-terrorist actions of the heroes of the article do not reflect the position of the editors.
Musa Bamatovich Keligov(born March 16, 1963, Malgobek, USSR) - Russian public figure, entrepreneur. Former vice president of Lukoil International. Candidate of Economic Sciences.
Biography
From 1984 to 1986, he took part in combat operations in Afghanistan as part of army intelligence units of the USSR (according to the Kommersant newspaper - in the 180th motorized rifle regiment). He served in a regiment commanded by the future President of Ingushetia, Ruslan Aushev. He was seriously wounded in battle.
Worked as an engineer. In 1989-1991 he served as a deputy of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.
From 1991 to 1994 - Deputy Chairman of the Committee on the Affairs of Internationalist Soldiers (first under the President of the USSR, and then under the Council of Heads of Government of the CIS Member States).
Keligov graduated from the Moscow Institute of Food Industry and the Moscow State Technological Academy. In 1998, he defended his PhD thesis on the topic “The Russian food market and its influence on the nature of the development of domestic food production.”
According to the Kommersant newspaper, in 1999, during the Second Chechen War, Keligov organized a military operation against Chechen terrorists who took his brother, Magomed Keligov, hostage. The result of the operation was the release of the hostage and the liquidation of the militant group and its leader.
In 1994-2000 (according to other sources - since 1993) - vice president of Lukoil-International.
From April 2000 to February 2001, Keligov served as deputy head of the administration of the Nenets Autonomous Okrug.
From 2001 to 2002 - Chief Federal Inspector of the Office of the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Republic of Ingushetia, then - Deputy Presidential Envoy in the Southern Federal District.
In 2002, information appeared in the media that an assassination attempt was being prepared on Musa Keligov. The assassination attempt failed, and one of the intermediaries between the killer and the clients was caught.
Since 2004, Keligov has held the position of president of the Ingross company.
In 2010, he was elected a member of the Federation Council from the People's Assembly of the Republic of Ingushetia.
Criticism
Musa Keligov was criticized for helping in the election of Murat Zyazikov, Deputy Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Southern Federal District, as President of Ingushetia. Keligov himself called Zyazikov’s promotion to the presidency of Ingushetia “the biggest sin” in his life.
Personal life
Keligov is married and has four children.
Awards
For his participation in hostilities in Afghanistan, Musa Keligov was awarded the Order of the Red Star and the Medal "For Courage".
Born in 1963 in Malgobek (Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic), Ingush.
From 1984 to 1986, as a private conscript, he took part in combat operations in Afghanistan as part of army intelligence units in the Ruslan Aushev regiment. He was seriously wounded. Awarded the Order of the Red Star and the Medal "For Courage".
In 1989-1991 Musa Keligov - deputy of the Supreme Council of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. After the dispersal of the Armed Forces by supporters of Dzhokhar Dudayev, he joined the Supreme Provisional Council.
From 1991 to 1992, M. Keligov worked as deputy chairman of the Committee on the Affairs of Internationalist Soldiers under the President of the USSR; from 1992-94 - Deputy Chairman of the Committee on the Affairs of Internationalist Soldiers under the Council of Heads of Government of the CIS Member States (Chairman - R. Aushev).
From 1994 to 2000, Musa Keligov was vice president of LUKoil-International (president - Sergey Maslov).
In 1998, M. Keligov defended his PhD thesis in economics. Dissertation topic: "The Russian food market and its influence on the nature of the development of domestic food production."
In the same year, Musa Keligov’s brother Magomed, a businessman and owner of a chain of gas stations, was kidnapped. He was captured by Chechen militants during negotiations about the supply of gasoline for them. Magomed Keligov was taken to Chechnya and handed over to the separatist brigadier general Rizvan Varaev. The militants demanded a ransom of $5 million for the life of Magomed Keligov. The mother of the Keligov brothers and daughter Magomed died from the experiences associated with this abduction (from a broken heart).
Having taken a leave of absence from LUKoil (according to other sources, he resigned from the company), Musa Keligov came from Moscow to Ingushetia, where he gathered a detachment of relatives and friends, and went with him to Chechnya, to Urus-Martan, to free his brother. The armed raid ended in complete success. On July 22, 1999, during the release of the hostage, seven of his captors were killed, including two Varaev brothers (Aslan and Rizvan, and Rizvan Varaev’s head was cut off). According to some reports, Musa Keligov personally dealt with one of the militant leaders.
The direct organizer of the kidnapping was a certain Suleiman Tsechoev, who fled to Kabardino-Balkaria, but was detained. As Magomed Evloev, a friend of the Keligov brothers, who investigated this case as deputy prosecutor of the Malgobek district, stated in an interview with Kommersant, “Tsechoev’s guilt was fully proven and he faced a long prison sentence.” But from the pre-trial detention center of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the KBR, S. Tsechoev was transferred to unknown persons who presented documents of the Ingush police. On August 23, 1999, his body was found on the territory of the KBR. (M. Evloev was accused of forging documents that the “policemen” used to take S. Tsechoev out of the pre-trial detention center, and of complicity in his murder. A year later, the investigation into this case was suspended due to lack of evidence; in 2007 it was resumed; M. Keligov appears in it as a witness on the part of the suspect).
In April 2000, M. Keligov was appointed deputy head of the administration of the Nenets Autonomous Okrug (head of the district administration - Vladimir Butov) and held this post until February 2001.
From February 2001 to 2002, Musa Keligov was the chief federal inspector in the Republic of Ingushetia.
In the spring of 2002, M. Keligov, as the main organizer, ensured the election as President of Ingushetia of a pro-Kremlin candidate - Deputy Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Southern Federal District, Murat Zyazikov. In this regard, Musa Keligov’s relationship with the former President of Ingushetia, Rslan Aushev, who supported the candidacy of Khamzat Gutseriev, deteriorated. In an interview published in a number of publications in the fall of 2007, Musa Keligov admitted that Zyazikov’s promotion to the presidency of Ingushetia was the “biggest sin” in Keligov’s life.
On November 28 (according to other sources - November 26), 2002, on Berezhkovskaya embankment in Moscow, a traffic police inspector stopped a black Mercedes-500 SL car. The policeman thought that the large Russian flag on the license plate of a foreign car (the license plates of senior government officials are equipped with such a “flag”) looked suspicious. Upon inspection of the number, it turned out that the flag in the form of a film was simply glued to the metal and covered the number of the region “06” (Ingushetia). (Later it turned out that these numbers were issued for a completely different car - a Volga.) The passenger of the Mercedes was Musa Keligov. According to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, the car belonged to Yug Neftegaz LLC.
On December 2, 2002, Keligov’s representative M. Evloev (General Director of the Infra-Yur legal company) reported that the information from the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper was untrue and that a lawsuit would be brought against the newspaper for the protection of honor, dignity, business reputation and moral compensation. harm. But the lawsuit was not filed.
On December 18, 2002, Moskovsky Komsomolets published a story about how an assassination attempt was being prepared on Musa Keligov. The killer was tasked with killing Keligov for 50 thousand dollars. However, the mercenary himself found the victim and told him everything. Subsequently, one of the intermediaries between the killer and the clients was detained by detectives on the square of the Kursk railway station.
Since October (according to another version - since May) 2003, Musa Keligov has been deputy to the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Southern Federal District of Viktor Kazantsev. Keligov oversaw issues of the fuel and energy complex, transport, railways and seaports. In 2004, when the number of deputy plenipotentiaries was reduced, M. Keligov left public service and returned to business.
M. Keligov considers himself a murid of the Sufi vird of Naqshbandiyya.
After the previous publication, which mentioned Keligov Musa, many friends asked me to pay close attention to this person and provided a number of interesting materials for generalization, which I am pleased to present to your inquisitive minds:
Keligov Musa
So, Musa Bamatovich Keligov, born in Malgobek on March 16, 1963, is known under the nickname “Chess Player” for his love of playing with people’s destinies, lives and positions.
From 1984 to 1986, under the command of the future President of Ingushetia R.S. Aushev. took part in combat operations in Afghanistan, where he was wounded.
From 1989 to 1991 he was a deputy of the Supreme Council of the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, after its dissolution by the leader of the Chechen separatists Dzhokhar Dudayev, he joined the Supreme Provisional Council.
From 1991 to 1994 - Deputy Chairman of the Committee on the Affairs of Internationalist Soldiers under the President of the USSR.
Maslov Sergey Vladimirovich, born on August 15, 1960, in Grozny. Russian businessman. In October 2016, he was detained on charges of misappropriation and embezzlement of funds on an especially large scale.
From 1994 to 2000 - vice president of Lukoil-International (where his friend Seryozha Maslov, who at that time held the position of president of the company, brought him in).
From 2000 to 2001 – Deputy Head of the Administration of the Nenets Autonomous Okrug.
From 2001 to 2002 - Musa Keligov, chief federal inspector in the Republic of Ingushetia. In the spring of 2002, through dummies, he financially supported the election campaign of the candidate for the post of President of Ingushetia, Murat Zyazikov, at that time the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Southern Federal District. In connection with this, he sharply worsened his relations with his former commander R.S. Aushev.
From 2002 to 2004 – Deputy Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Southern Federal District. Oversaw issues of fuel and energy complex, transport, railways and seaports.
Since 2004 Keligov M.B. left public service and politics, focusing on business... But he still plays political games.
Criminal activity.
In 2002, Keligov M.B., using his political connections, got a job in the civil service in the office of the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Southern Federal District. He used this position exclusively in the interests of developing the business of the oil company Lukoil-International, the position of vice president of which he held for 7 years. Together with entrepreneur V.A. Agaev he developed a scheme for the theft and subsequent sale of oil produced by the Grozneft enterprise.
In 2005, through dummies Keligov M.B. took possession of a large stake in Yugneft LLC (Rostov-on-Don). He is the owner of LLC NK INGROSS (production of petroleum products in the Ingush city of Karabulak), which uses in the production cycle oil produced on the territory of OJSC NK Rosneft.
In 2004-2005, Musa provided financial support to extremist leaders of the sectarian-Salafi community in Ingushetia, including Tsechoev Isa. In 2007-2008 with the assistance of Keligov, Tsechoev repeatedly traveled to Egypt and the UAE. He also financed the construction of a mosque in the village. Ali-Yurt (a hotbed of extremists), whose imam is who? Of course, Isa Tsechoev!
Tsechoev Issa Sultanovich (left in the foreground), founder of the “Specialized School for the Study of the Arabic Language” (USAL) in the city of Malgobek in 1995 and closed by a court decision in Ingushetia in 1998. In 2003, Tsechoev I.S. created the Salafi "National Spiritual Center of Muslims of the Republic of Ingushetia", whose activities were financed by funds from Keligov M.B. In 2007-2008 with the assistance of Keligov M.B. Tsechoev I.S. repeatedly traveled to Egypt and the countries of the Middle East. A significant part of the parishioners of Tsechoev I.S. liquidated by security forces during clashes. This mosque was visited by a resident of the Republic of Ingushetia, Evloev M.M., who committed a terrorist attack by suicide bombing at Moscow Domodedovo airport in January 2011.
Since 2004, Keligov went into opposition to Zyazikov. He became the main organizer and financier of protests on the territory of the Republic of Ingushetia through the oppositionists controlled by him. In the same year, during the elections to the State Duma, Musa actively lobbied the leader of the batlaks, Y.K. Belkhoroev, who was the main competitor of the criminal authority B.I. Kodzoev. - protégé of Murat Zyazikov.
To destabilize the situation in Ingushetia, Keligov widely uses his connections in the political and business elites. At the same time, he tries not to advertise his participation in the ongoing processes. Musa even lobbied for his candidacy for the post of President of the Republic of Ingushetia, behind the scenes bringing information to the country's leadership about Zyazikov's inability to solve the problems of Ingushetia.
In 2007-2008 Musa Keligov provided financial support to pocket Ingush oppositionists from the “Alternative Parliament of the Republic of Ingushetia” - “Mekhk-Khela”, formed by M.Kh. Khazbiev, M.M. Aushev, M.A. Mutsolgov. and others. With his money on December 24, 2007 and January 26, 2008. Unauthorized protest rallies were held in the republic.
After the change of leadership of Ingushetia in October 2008, Musa supported the initiative of a number of Mekhk-Khela leaders and leaders of the Ingush community in Moscow to terminate the organization’s activities. This decision provoked a conflict between influential representatives of the opposition in the Republic of Ingushetia (Aushev M., Aushev M.-S.A., Mankiev B.B.) and the Ingush community in Moscow (Keligov M.B., Pliev M., Khazbiev M. .Kh.), due to mutual claims in determining the significance of the contribution to the process of “normalization” of the socio-political situation in Ingushetia. The Aushevs disseminated information that the role of representatives of the Moscow opposition was only to financially support protest activities, and the main “pressure” on the former leadership of the republic was carried out exclusively by local “fighters”.
The reason for these contradictions was the intensified struggle of the leaders of the Ingush opposition for leadership positions in government structures, for example, Keligov himself applied for the post of chairman of the government of the Republic of Ingushetia. Having not received the coveted “place in the sun,” Musa decided to continue supporting the opposition structures of Ingushetia. For these purposes, he regularly meets and supports financially and morally Daud Khuchiev, who was a member of Mekhk-Khel at that time. Novaya Gazeta journalist Elena Sevryukova, who was ready to do anything for money, took part in one of these meetings ( By the way, it was her film crew who recorded “illegal actions of security forces” during the dispersal of unauthorized protests, to which Musa also dragged her) to highlight the situation in the region in a negative light and discredit the government authorities of the republic.
It is also known that Musa Keligov has good connections in the management of the printed publication Kommersant (they say that he is one of the co-owners through dummies), which periodically publishes materials with praises and the address of the “luminary” and “philanthropist”. For example, in 1999, an article was published on the pages of Kommersant, which described how Musa personally “heroically” eliminated the leaders of a Chechen gang who had taken his brother Magomed hostage for ransom.
In 2009, Keligov M.B. was one of the candidates for the senatorial seat in the Federation Council, and therefore suddenly became Ruslan Bekbuzarov, but was quickly excluded from the election list.
All the men in the Keligov family are Salafis and maintain good relations with them, sharing their radical extremist views. Musa’s father, Bamat, was known in the criminal community under the pseudonym “Antibiotic” and was a close friend of the sectarian I.S. Tsechoev. Brother Isa is the founder of the branch of Lukoil OJSC in Moscow, the second brother, Mugamet, is the general director of the oil refinery in Karabulak, which receives certified petroleum products (gasoline and diesel fuel) from Moscow, which is mixed with surrogate oil-containing liquids and sold at market value.
They are friends and also finance the imam of the Salafi mosque in the village. Sagopshi RI Gandaloev Muslim (from which many participants and leaders of Ingush illegal armed groups also emerged: Gorbakov Kaloy, liquidated in 2007; Gatagazhev Arthur, gang leader, “amir of Ingushetia,” liquidated in 2013; Kurskiev Adrakhman, member of an illegal armed group, neutralized in 2012 .) through which the Keligovs lobby for the possibility of introducing Sharia law in the republic. As a sign of respect, they even gave Muslimka a new Toyota Camry from the showroom.
Through his son-in-law Mukhazhir Evloev (), a retired police colonel, former head of the Department of Internal Affairs for the Malgobek region, he received “closed” information from law enforcement agencies, and also covered up the criminal activities of unauthorized oil production in the Malgobek region by members of his family. For this, Musa gave him a two-story residential building worth about 15 million rubles. Yevloev slavishly called his relative “King” in gratitude.
Mukhazhir himself, with the assistance of Keligov, planned to take the position of head of the Malgobek district administration, but he convinced him to remain in the police. He will be able to take up this position only in June 2014. Instead of Evloev, A.S. Tsechoev was appointed to the post of mayor of Malgobek for 7 million rubles. By the way, his father Tsechoev S.Kh., being in the position of general director of Ingushenergo until 2012, initiated a transfer of funds from the central Moscow office, allegedly for the modernization of power supply in Ingushetia in the amount of 300 million rubles, which he then jointly with M. Keligov. B. “mastered” through fraudulent schemes.
In 2015, Musa implemented a criminal scheme to relieve the Lukoil gas station he owned in Malgobek on Oskanova Street from tax arrears and by bankrupting it and renaming it Magasoil.
Currently, representatives of the Ingush political and business elite living in Moscow, in order to implement plans to aggravate the socio-political situation and discredit the head of Ingushetia Yevkurov on the eve of the presidential elections and elections of the head of the republic in 2018, are forming a team of controlled journalists (such as the "Caucasian Knot" ", "On-Caucasus", etc.) to highlight the situation in the region in a sharply negative light. The writing of incriminating articles is again financed by “Mr.” Keligov M.B. and “philanthropist” Gutseriev M.S.
It is with the direct participation of these individuals that “leaks” and “compromising evidence” are replicated on the Internet through the anonymous extremist site “G1alg1ayche.org”, which has sunk into oblivion, bloggers “Slonus”, “Friingush” on LiveJournal, and Facebook pages “Khamzat Buzurtanov” , “Mark Dodich”, “Musa Bogatyrev”, “Ing.News” on Instagram and other provocateurs.
The “chess player” in Afghanistan learned one motto: “in war, all means are good.” Currently Keligov M.B. and Gutseriev M.S. unite all opposition forces (Salafi, radicals, extremists, illegal armed groups, oppositionists, human rights activists) in their hands and actively finance them to fight against the head of Ingushetia, Yevkurov. They did not ignore the rebel mufti Isa Khamkhoev.
According to insider information, Gutseriev authorized behind-the-scenes negotiations between Sualiakh Khamkhoev and the leader of the MCM on the allocation of funds for the construction of a cathedral mosque in the city of Magas (despite the fact that the issue has currently been resolved by the government of the republic with patrons from Qatar). In the coming days, from the mufti's entourage, on behalf of the Spiritual Center of Muslims of Ingushetia, a request will be sent to Gutseriev to provide “possible” assistance in the construction of this mosque.
Thus, Keligov plans to earn himself another “bonus” in the Ingush community in Moscow, as an “altruist” who “advocates” for the life of long-suffering Ingushetia for subsequent support in promoting his candidates to high-ranking positions. Well, on the quiet, he will take part in the “cutting” of Gutseri’s money behind his back.
This is what he is, a Chess Player... And how much we still don’t know, only the Almighty knows.
He was stopped in a Mercedes with a flag stuck to it
Original of this material
© "Moskovsky Komsomolets", 11/29/2002, "Did an official of the presidential team drive a car with a false license plate?"
The chief federal inspector of the office of the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Southern Federal District, a former employee of the Lukoil company, Musa Keligov, found himself in an unpleasant situation related to his official car. The license plates turned out to be fake.
As MK learned, the incident occurred on Tuesday afternoon on Berezhkovskaya embankment. Here, at about 3 p.m., next to the Slavyanskaya hotel, an inspector from the 5th traffic police department stopped a black Mercedes-Benz prestigious S-class car on a special highway. It seemed to the road guard that the large Russian tricolor on the license plate of a foreign car (the license plates of senior government officials are equipped with such a “flag”) looked suspicious. Upon inspection of the number, it turned out that the flag in the form of a film was simply glued to the metal and covered the number of region 06 (Ingushetia). According to documents, the car belongs to Yug Neftegaz LLC. During the investigation, a conflict broke out between the law enforcement officers and the passenger of the Mercedes, Musa Keligov, and soon this incident was reported to the head of the traffic police of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation Fedorov and the Minister of Internal Affairs Boris Gryzlov. Later, the foreign car was delivered for inspection, first to the Main Directorate of the State Traffic Safety Inspectorate, and then to the Dorogomilovo police station. Nothing is known yet about the further fate of the car. Probably, the leadership of the law enforcement agencies will try to resolve this situation peacefully.
Let us recall that Ruslan Aushev’s former associate Musa Keligov (they fought together in Afghanistan) became especially famous in 1998, when Chechen militants kidnapped his older brother, entrepreneur Magomed, in Ingushetia and demanded $5 million for him. Then Keligov Jr., straight from the chair of the vice president of Lukoil International, went with a detachment of his relatives to Chechnya to free his brother with his own hands. As a result of the military operation, Magomed Keligov was safely rescued from captivity. Until recently, Musa served as the chief federal inspector for the Southern District. The office of Kazantsev, the president's plenipotentiary representative in the Southern Federal District, noted that in the near future Musa Keligov will take the position of his deputy: an order to this effect has already been issued, but not yet signed.
