P r and k and z No. 1
For the garrison of the Petrograd district, all the soldiers of the guard, army, artillery and navy for immediate and accurate execution, and for the workers of Petrograd for information.
The Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies decided:
1) In all companies, battalions, regiments, parks, batteries, squadrons and individual services of various kinds of military directorates and on the ships of the navy, immediately elect committees from elected representatives from the lower ranks of the above military units.
2) In all military units that have not yet elected their representatives to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, elect one representative from the companies, who will appear with written certificates at the building of the State Duma by 10 a.m. on this March 2.
3) In all political actions, the military unit is subordinate to the Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies and its committees. 4)
The orders of the military commission of the State Duma should be carried out, except for those cases when these contradict the orders and resolutions of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies. five)
All kinds of weapons, such as rifles, machine guns, armored vehicles, etc., must be at the disposal and under the control of company and battalion committees and in no case be issued to officers even at their request.
6) In the ranks and during the exercise of their official duties, soldiers must observe the strictest military discipline, but outside of service and in their political, civil and private life, soldiers cannot be diminished in any way in those rights that all citizens enjoy. In particular, standing up for the front and obligatory saluting outside the service is canceled.
7) In the same way, the titles of officers are canceled: your excellency, honor, etc., and replaced by the address: Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc.
Rough treatment of soldiers of all military ranks and, in particular, addressing them to "you" is prohibited and any violation of this, as well as all misunderstandings between officers and soldiers, the latter are obliged to bring to the attention of company committees.
Read this order in all companies, battalions, regiments, crews, batteries and other combatant and non-combatant teams.
Petrograd Soviet
workers 'and soldiers' deputies
AGREEMENT
BETWEEN THE PETROGRAD COUNCIL
WORKERS AND SOLDIERS 'DEPUTIES
AND THE PETROGRAD SOCIETY
FACTORS AND BREEDERS
ON THE INTRODUCTION OF EIGHT HOURS WORKING DAY,
FACTORY ORGANIZATIONS
COMMITTEES AND CONCERNING CHAMBERS1
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An agreement was reached between the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies and the Petrograd Society of Factory Owners and Factory Owners on the introduction of an eight-hour working day, factory committees and conciliation chambers in factories and plants.
I. 8-hour working day
1) Until the publication of the law on the standardization of the working day in all factories and workshops, an eight-hour working day (8 hours of real labor) is introduced in all shifts.
2) On the eve of Sundays, work is done within 7 hours.
3) Reducing working hours should not affect the size of workers' earnings.
4) Overtime work is allowed with the consent of the factory committees.
II. Factory-plant committees
1) In all factories and factories, factory committees (councils of elders) are established, elected from among the workers of the given enterprise on the basis of universal, equal, etc., suffrage.
2) The task of these committees is: a) to represent the workers of the given enterprise in their relations with government and public institutions; b) the formulation of opinions on the social and economic life of the workers of this enterprise; c) resolving issues related to internal relationships between the workers of the enterprise themselves; d) representation from workers before the administration of factories and factories and owners of enterprises on issues related to the relationship between them and the workers.
III. Conciliation chambers
1) Conciliation chambers are established in all factories and plants to resolve misunderstandings arising from the relationship between the owners of enterprises, the administration and workers.
2) The chambers of conciliation are composed of an equal number of elected representatives from workers and the administration of the enterprise.
5) In the event that the conciliation chambers do not reach an agreement between the workers and entrepreneurs, the issue is transferred to the resolution of the Central Conciliation Chamber.
6) The Central Conciliation Chamber includes elected representatives in equal numbers, both from the Soviet of Workers' Deputies and from the society of factory owners and factory owners.
IV. Removal of masters or persons of the administration indiscriminately in a conciliation chamber, and even more so forcible removal (lynching) is unacceptable.
REPORT OF THE INTERIM COMMITTEE
STATE DUMA
ON THE COMPOSITION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT1
BY THE EXECUTIVE BOARD
STATE DUMA
The Executive Committee of the State Duma announces the following composition of the new government:
1) Book. G. Ye. Lvov - Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Internal Affairs (former member of the First State Duma, Chairman of the Main Committee of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union);
2) P.N. Milyukov - Minister of Foreign Affairs (member of the State Duma from the city of Petrograd);
3) A.F. Kerensky - Minister of Justice (member of the State Duma from Saratov province);
4) N.V. Nekrasov - Minister of Railways (Comrade Chairman of the State Duma);
5) A.I. Konovalov - Minister of Trade and Industry (Comrade Chairman of the Central Military-Industrial Committee, member of the State Duma from Kostroma Gubernia.);
6) prof. A.A. Manuilov - Minister of Public Education (former member of the State Council, former rector of Moscow University);
7) A.I. Guchkov - Minister of War and Temporary Marine (member
State Council, Chairman of the Military-Industrial Committee);
8) A.I. Shingarev - Minister of Agriculture (member of the State Duma from Petrograd);
9) M.I. Tereshchenko - Minister of Finance;
10) I.V. Godnev - state controller (member of the State Duma from Kazan province);
11) V. N. Lvov - Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod (member of the State Duma from Samara Gubernia).
ABOUT RENEWAL
STATE EMPEROR NICHOLAS II
FROM THE THRONE OF RUSSIAN
AND ABOUT HIMSELF
SUPREME POWER1
To the chief of staff
In the days of the great struggle with an external enemy, who has been striving to enslave our Motherland for almost three years, God was pleased to send down a new ordeal to Russia. The outbreak of internal popular unrest threaten to have a disastrous effect on the further conduct of a stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the good of the people, the entire future of our dear Fatherland demand that the war be brought to a victorious end by all means. The cruel enemy is straining his last strength, and the hour is already approaching when our valiant army, together with our glorious allies, will be able to finally crush the enemy. In these decisive days in the life of Russia, we considered it our duty of conscience to facilitate the close unity and rallying of all the forces of the people for the speedy achievement of victory for our people, and in agreement with the State Duma, we recognized it for the good to abdicate the throne of the Russian state and resign the supreme power. Not wishing to part with our beloved son, we pass our legacy to our brother, our Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, and bless him for accession to the throne of the Russian state. We command our brother to govern the affairs of state in full and inviolable unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions on the basis that they will establish by taking an inviolable oath to that. In the name of our beloved Motherland, we call upon all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to fulfill their sacred duty to him by obeying the Tsar in a difficult moment of nationwide trials and to help him, together with representatives of the people, lead the Russian state on the path of victory, prosperity and glory. God help Russia.
Signed: "Nikolay"
Minister of the Imperial Court Adjutant General Count Fredericks
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Order text:
Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet was adopted on March 1, 1917 at a joint meeting of the workers 'and soldiers' sections of the Soviet. A special commission was formed to develop the order. It was headed by a member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet N.D. Sokolov, who left an interesting memoir about how the text of the order was created.
For the garrison of the Petrograd district, all the soldiers of the guard, army, artillery and navy for immediate and accurate execution, and for the workers of Petrograd for information.
The Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies decided:
1) In all companies, battalions, regiments, parks, batteries, squadrons and individual services of various kinds of military directorates and on the ships of the navy, immediately elect committees from elected representatives from the lower ranks of the above military units.
2) In all military units that have not yet elected their representatives to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, elect one representative from the companies, who will appear with written certificates at the building of the State Duma by 10 o'clock in the morning on March 2.
3) In all its political actions, the military unit is subordinate to the Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies and to its committees.
4) Orders of the military commission of the State Duma should be carried out, except for those cases when they contradict orders and resolutions of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.
5) All kinds of weapons, such as rifles, machine guns, armored vehicles, etc., must be at the disposal and control of company and battalion committees and in no case be issued to officers even at their request.
6) In the ranks and during the exercise of their official duties, soldiers must observe the strictest military discipline, but outside of service and in their political, civil and private life, soldiers cannot be diminished in any way in those rights that all citizens enjoy. In particular, standing up for the front and obligatory saluting outside the service is canceled.
7) In the same way, the titles of officers are canceled: your excellency, honor, etc., and is replaced by the address: Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc.
Rough treatment of soldiers of all military ranks and, in particular, addressing them on "you" is prohibited, and any violation of this, as well as all misunderstandings between officers and soldiers, the latter are obliged to inform company commanders.
Read this order in all companies, battalions, regiments, crews, batteries and other combatant and non-combatant teams. "
Output: By agreement with the Petrograd Soviet, a radical democratization of the army was carried out. It was carried out on the basis of order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet of March 1, 1917 for the garrison of the Petrograd military district. The Petrograd Soviet decided to elect soldiers 'committees in all subdivisions, units and on ships, elect one representative from each company to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, stressed that military units in all their political speeches obey the Soviet and their committees, and all orders of the military commission of the State Duma were subject to execution only if they did not contradict the orders and decisions of the Council. Soldiers were required to observe the strictest military discipline in the ranks and during the "discharge of their duties", and outside of service and formation they could not be "diminished in the rights that all citizens enjoy." Order No. 1 canceled the title of officers who were not allowed to issue weapons that were at the disposal and control of company and battalion committees. One of the members of the Petrograd Soviet, I. Goldenberg, later admitted that Order No. 1 was "not a mistake, but a necessity", since "we realized that if we do not crush the old army, it will crush the revolution." Despite the fact that the order applied only to the troops of the Petrograd garrison, it became widespread in the active army and in the rear, causing the decomposition of the troops and the decline in their combat effectiveness. In the army, military courts were abolished, the institution of commissars was introduced to control the activities of officers, about 150 high-ranking officials were dismissed into the reserve, including 70 division chiefs. By decree of March 12, the government abolished the death penalty, reinstating it on July 12, and also established military revolutionary courts. The basic rights of military personnel were set out in the order of the military and naval minister A.F. Kerensky of May 9 on the implementation of the Declaration of the Rights of a Soldier of the Provisional Government. The order noted that all servicemen enjoy all the rights of citizens, have the right to be members of political, national, religious, economic and trade union organizations, and that mandatory saluting, corporal punishment, and so on, are canceled.
Once in power, on March 6 the Provisional Government announced that it would continue the war "to a victorious end." It also promised to “sacredly keep” loyalty to the allies and all agreements concluded with them. On May 22, on the radio, the commander of the German Eastern Front, Prince Leopold of Bavaria, suggested that Russia begin peace negotiations. The interim government responded with a categorical refusal ...
Meanwhile, the spontaneous striving for peace was growing. At the front, the famous fraternization with enemy soldiers began. The units fighting each other stopped firing, leaving-
R. Zarrin. War loan poster.
General A. Brusilov.
153
"ORDER NUMBER ONE"
On March 1, 1917, the Petrograd Soviet was replenished with soldiers' deputies. On the same day, the Council issued the famous "Order number one" on the capital's garrison.
The order canceled various minor restrictions for soldiers outside the service: now soldiers could not stand up in front of the officers and salute them. “In the same way,” the order said, “the titles of officers are canceled: your excellency, honor, etc., and is replaced by the address: Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc. Rough treatment of soldiers of all military ranks and, in particular, addressing them on "you" is prohibited ... "
In addition, in the first paragraph of the order it was said: "In all companies, battalions, regiments ... immediately elect committees from elected representatives from the lower ranks." Although formally the order concerned only the troops of the capital's military district, it was soon read throughout the army. Soldiers' committees began to be elected everywhere, which played the role of Soviets in the military environment.
Most of the officers believed that Order Number One was the first and most important impetus for the collapse of the army. As a result of the order, the officers lost any power over the soldiers. The Bolsheviks objected to this that the order did not play a special role: it only reflected the demands of the spontaneous movement.
One of the authors of the order, the Menshevik Joseph Goldenberg, said in March 1917: “Order number one is not a mistake, but a necessity ... On the day when we“ made a revolution, ”we realized that if we didn’t destroy the old army, it will crush the revolution. We had to choose between the army and the revolution. We did not hesitate: we made a decision in favor of the latter and used - I boldly affirm this - the proper means. "
Having found themselves later in power, the Bolsheviks "deepened" even more, brought to their logical conclusion "Order number
whether from the trenches. The soldiers talked peacefully, smoked, exchanged various small things. Soldiers' committees were elected everywhere in Russian military units, which often canceled orders from their superiors. “Throughout the Army,” wrote General Pyotr Krasnov, “the infantry refused to carry out combat orders and move to positions to replace other regiments. There were cases when their own infantry forbade their artillery to shoot at the enemy's trenches on the pretext that such shooting caused enemy fire back. The war froze along the entire front ... "
Supporters of the continuation of the war argued to the soldiers that "the path to peace lies through the enemy's trenches." Minister of War Alexander Kerensky said, speaking in front of the troops on May 12: “You are the freest soldiers in the world. Shouldn't you prove to the world that the system on which the army is being built is the best system. Will you not prove to other monarchs that not a fist, but a conscience is the best strength of an army (Excited exclamations: "We will prove it!"). Your army under the monarch performed feats. Will it really turn out to be a herd of sheep under the republic? " (Storm of applause. Shouts: "No, never!"). Kerensky spent weeks touring the troops at the front and, with fiery eloquence, called upon the soldiers to attack the enemy. The exact date of the start of the offensive was kept secret. The Minister of War emphasized that the fate of the revolution depends on this offensive.
Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies transferred all power in military units to elected committees of lower ranks, which greatly contributed to the decomposition of the army and the decline of discipline among the soldiers. In Soviet historiography, this order has always been evaluated positively, since he, according to Soviet historians, played an important role in revolutionizing the Russian army and strengthening the positions of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies. This material contains an article by G.I. Zlokazov "New data on Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies" (1981) and "Information on" Order No. 1 "" (Izvestia of the Petrograd Soviet of R. and S. D .. Pg., 1917. No. 125, July 23 (August 5)).
Certificate of "order number 1". // Bulletin of the Petrograd Soviet of R. and S. D .. Pg., 1917. No. 125, July 23 (August 5), p. 6-7.
In view of the fact that in recent days in various institutions and meetings the content of "Order No. 1" of the Petrograd Soviet and the circumstances accompanying its publication were transmitted and covered incorrectly, the Executive Committee considers it necessary to re-publish, as a reference material, this order in to outline in the most concise outline the history of the origin of this document, which, in the opinion of the Committee, played a great positive role in organizing the Russian army under the conditions of the revolution.
Here is the full text of the order:
March 1, 1917.
For the garrison of the Petrograd District, all the soldiers of the guard, army, artillery and navy for immediate execution, and the workers of Petrograd for information.
The Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies decided:
1) In all companies, battalions, regiments, parks, batteries, squadrons and individual services of various kinds of military directorates and on ships of the navy, immediately select committees from elected representatives from the lower ranks of the above military units.
2) In all military units that have not yet elected their representatives to the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, elect one representative from the companies, who will appear with written certificates at the building of the State Duma by 10 o'clock in the morning on March 2.
3) In all its political speeches, the military unit is subordinate to the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies and its committees.
4) The orders of the Military Commission of the State Duma should be carried out, except for those cases when they contradict orders and resolutions of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.
5) All kinds of weapons, such as rifles, machine guns, armored vehicles, etc., must be at the disposal and control of company and battalion committees and in no case be issued to officers even at their request.
6) In the ranks and during the performance of their duties, soldiers must observe the strictest military discipline, but outside of service and formation, in their political, civil and private life, soldiers can in no way be diminished in the rights enjoyed by all citizens.
In particular, standing up for the front and obligatory saluting outside the service is canceled.
7) Likewise, the titles of officers are abolished: your excellency, honor, etc., and replaced by the address: Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc.
Rough treatment of soldiers of all military ranks and, in particular, addressing them as "you" is prohibited, and any violation of this, as well as all misunderstandings between officers and soldiers, the latter are obliged to inform the company committees.
Read this order in all companies, battalions, regiments, crews, batteries and other combatant and non-combatant teams. Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.
An order was issued on March 1st, i.e. even before the creation (by agreement between the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Executive Committee of the Council) of the Provisional Government and therefore an order cannot be considered competing with the power of the latter.
The order addressed exclusively to the Petrograd garrison.
An order was signed by the "Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies" and was drawn up at the first meeting of the Council of the full composition, i.e. with the participation of not only the workers, but also the soldiers' section.
The deputies of the Petrograd garrison wished at their very first meeting to formulate the foundations of the social organization of soldiers and submitted to the meeting a number of proposals on regimental and company committees, on the abolition of obligatory saluting, on the general civil rights of a soldier, etc. These proposals, discussed and adopted by the meeting, in their totality constituted "Order No. 1".
Neither the Executive Committee, as such, nor its individual members (as can be seen from the minutes of meetings published in Izvestia on March 2) submitted to the meeting either a whole draft of the order, or even a draft of its individual points.
Therefore, the statements of some members of the State Duma (as well as the statements of some press organs, already refuted on behalf of the Committee at the meeting of the All-Russian Conference on March 30) that the “author” of Order No. 1 is one or another member of the Committee do not correspond to reality. The "author" of the order was the plenary meeting of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, the only organ of revolutionary democracy at that time. And the Executive Committee, reckoning with the will of the Soviet and recognizing the full compliance of the order with the tasks and needs of the revolutionary army and the revolutionary moment, published this order.
It is, of course, not possible to fully disclose the indicated correspondence in this brief note, but to assess individual points of the order from this point of view, the following must be borne in mind:
The order was issued on the third day of the revolution, when its military-technical period was not yet completely over. And in Izvestia of March 1, on the first page, there is a "notice" about the need to collect all armored vehicles for the Mikhailovsky Manege "to eliminate shelling from the rooftops."
Separate military units, subjected to such "shelling", did not feel calm even on the first of March and were not sure of a favorable outcome of the uprising they had begun. All the more this must be said with regard to February 28, the second day of the revolution. Meanwhile, on February 28, signed by the chairman of the Provisional Committee, an appeal was published to the soldiers of Petrograd instructing them to return to their barracks. The soldiers of the Petrograd regiments, who raised an uprising almost everywhere without officers, and sometimes even with their direct opposition, did not know who owned the barracks now and were afraid to return there. The order of the chairman of the Provisional Committee to return to the barracks gave rise to alarm among the soldiers; many of them were perplexed and loudly expressed their fear of being arrested and disarmed in the barracks.
This anxiety was further intensified by rumors that officers in some regiments had already begun to disarm soldiers. To what extent these rumors were at that time a real factor in public sentiment, the following "announcement", published and posted on the streets of Petrograd on March 1 on behalf of the chairman of the Military Commission under the State Duma, shows:
Announcement.
On this March 1st, a rumor spread among the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison that the officers in the regiments were taking away weapons from the soldiers. These rumors were tested in two regiments and turned out to be false. As chairman of the Military Commission of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, I declare that the most decisive measures will be taken to prevent such actions on the part of the officers, up to the shooting of the guilty.
Member of the State Duma B. Engelhardt.
It is therefore natural that the representative body of the Petrograd soldiers also wished, on the one hand, to calm the soldiers' masses, and on the other hand, to ensure the non-disarming of its main military force in the critical period of the Russian revolution. This desire resulted in 5 points of the order.
It should also be noted here that by that time the attitude of a significant part of the Petrograd officer corps towards the revolution had not yet been fully determined. And on March 1, on behalf of the Military Commission under the Provisional Committee and the Chairman of the State Duma, an order was published for officers who did not have specific instructions from the Commission to appear before the Commission and to their units on March 1 and 2, indicating that “the delay in the appearance of Mr. officers to their units will inevitably undermine the prestige of the officer rank. "
The lack of clarity about the attitude of some of the officers to the revolution, as well as the previous regime in the army, of course, created serious obstacles for the correct attitude of the soldier's part of the troops to the officers who resolutely and openly went over to the side of the revolution.
The Petrograd Soviet took measures to remove or weaken these obstacles as far as possible.
Comrades and citizens! The complete victory of the Russian people over the old regime is approaching. But for this victory still tremendous efforts are needed, exceptional endurance and firmness are needed. Disunity and anarchy should not be allowed. It is necessary to immediately stop all outrages, robberies, breaking into private apartments, plundering and damage to all kinds of property, aimless seizure of public institutions. Decline in discipline and anarchy are ruining revolution and people's freedom.
The danger of a military movement against the revolution has not yet been eliminated. To prevent it, it is very important to ensure friendly coordinated work with the officers. The officers who cherish the interests of freedom and the progressive development of the homeland should make every effort to establish joint activities with the soldiers. They will respect in the soldier his personal and civil dignity, they will treat the soldier's sense of honor with care. For their part, the soldiers will remember that it is impossible to stigmatize the entire officer corporation for the bad behavior of individual officers, that the army is only strong in the union of soldiers and officers. For the sake of the success of the revolutionary struggle, it is necessary to show tolerance and forget the insignificant offenses against democracy of those officers who have joined the decisive and final struggle that you are waging against the old regime.
In addition, when some socialist organizations, following Order No. 1, submitted their proclamation, which could increase the hostile attitude of the unconscious part of the soldiers towards the officers, as such, the Executive Committee immediately published an appeal to the officers and soldiers in Izvestia on March 3, in which he stated the following:
Officers and soldiers. Order No. 1 of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, quoted in the last issue of Izvestia, quite accurately defines the relationship between soldiers and officers. Nevertheless, there are people who, at a crucial historical moment, seek to destroy the unity achieved at the cost of so many sacrifices. We are talking about a proclamation, which, fortunately, has not received much circulation, signed by the names of two socialist parties.
Let's compare these documents.
The order puts officers in their place, giving them power only during official hours: in the ranks, during training hours, during hostilities, soldiers and in general all military ranks observe military discipline. Out of service, out of order, an officer does not use any power in relation to a soldier.
A soldier becomes a citizen when he ceases to be a slave — that is the meaning of the order. As a citizen, he is allowed to independently arrange his life, participate in alliances and parties, form company and battalion committees, at the disposal and control of which are all kinds of weapons that are not issued to officers even according to their requirements, for weapons are the property of all soldiers, all citizens ... From now on, the soldiers must form a self-governing artel, which runs its economy (food, etc.) completely independently. There is no doubt that this artel, in the area of \u200b\u200ba specially military, needs educated leaders, and these leaders are the officers. In such a situation, the relations between soldiers and officers, which constituted one of the dark sides of the pre-revolutionary system of the Russian army, are impossible. Even if there were any misunderstandings, they would be easily resolved by the authority of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.
So, quite clearly, the New Soldier looms before us. Soldier-citizen, independent and independent, soldier-soldier, consciously submitting in the name of the interests of the matter to drill discipline and the leadership of authoritative officers.
If in the Prikaz we see a correct and clear understanding of the position of a soldier and an officer, then in the above-mentioned proclamation we notice a strange bitterness against all officers, indiscriminately, without exception. Even the officers who went over to the side of the people, our real friends, are suspected by the authors of the appeal.
On March 4, the Military Department, through General Potapov, notifying that Order No. 1 was subject to misinterpretations in some cases, asked the Executive Committee to publish such an explanation of the order that would eliminate the possibility of any false interpretation. At the same time, General Potapov asked that this explanation, for the sake of its greater authority, be published also in the form of an "order".
To edit the requested clarification, the Committee elected a Commission, which worked out together with the Military Commission, chaired by General Potapov, explanatory order No. 2.
Here is the text of this order:
From the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.
Order number 2.
March 5, 1917.
For the troops of the Petrograd District, all the soldiers of the guard, army, artillery and navy for accurate execution, workers of Petrograd for information.
In clarification and addition of Order No. 1, the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies decided:
1) Order No. 1 of the Council of Workers' Deputies invited all companies, battalions and other military units to elect the respective Committees for each unit (company, battalion, etc.), but the “Order” did not establish that these committees should elect officers for each unit. These committees must be elected so that the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison are organized and can, through representatives of the Committees, participate in the general political life of the country and, in particular, declare to the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies about their views on the need to take certain measures. The committees should also be responsible for the social needs of each company or other unit.
The question of the extent to which the interests of the military organization can be combined with the right of soldiers to choose their own chiefs has been submitted for consideration and development to a special commission.
All elections of officers made to date, approved and submitted for approval by the military commanders, must remain in force.
2) Until the time when the question of elected commanders is resolved quite accurately, the Council recognizes that the committees of individual units have the right to object to the appointment of one officer or another. These objections should be directed to the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' Deputies, from where they will be submitted to the Military Commission, where, along with other public organizations, representatives of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies participate.
3) Order No. 1 establishes the importance of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies as an institution that directs all political actions of the Petrograd soldiers. Soldiers are obliged to obey this elected body in their social and political life.
As for the military authorities, soldiers are obliged to obey all their orders relating to military service.
4) In order to eliminate the danger of an armed counter-revolution, the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies put forward a demand for the non-armament of the Petrograd garrison, which had won Russia her political freedom, and the Provisional Government undertook to prevent such disarmament, which it announced in its government declaration.
In accordance with this declaration, the company and battalion committees are obliged to ensure that the weapons of the Petrograd soldiers are not taken away from them, which was indicated in Order No. 1.
5) Confirming the requirements set out in clauses 6 and 7 of Order No. 1, the Executive Committee notes that some of them are already being implemented by the Provisional Government.
Read this order in all companies, battalions, regiments, crews, batteries and other combatant and non-combatant teams.
Executive Committee of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.
Finally, the Executive Committee returned to Order No. 1 in an appeal, with which it addressed (by telegraph) to the armies at the front on March 7.
This is the appeal:
The Executive Committee informs the front troops about the decisive victory over the old regime.
We are confident that the troops of the front are with us and will not allow attempts to return the old regime to come true.
Its strengthening may be hindered by internal enmity among the army, discord between officers and soldiers, and all citizens now have the duty to promote relations between soldiers and officers who have recognized the new system of Russia. And we appeal to the officers to show respect for the personality of the soldier-citizen in their official and non-official relations.
With the expectation that the officers will hear our call, we invite the soldiers in the ranks and, while performing military service, strictly fulfill their military duties.
At the same time, the Committee informs the armies of the front that the orders of the 1st and 2nd relate only to the troops of the Petrograd district, as stated in the title of these orders.
As for the armies of the front, the Minister of War promises to immediately work out, in agreement with the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, new rules for relations between the soldier and the command staff.
For the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies - Deputy Chairman M.I. Skobelev.
Chairman of the Military Commission of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, general-m. Potapov.
Minister of War A. Guchkov.
In conclusion, the Executive Committee notes that most of the points of Order No. 1 have already received the force of law in part during his tenure as Minister of War A.I. Guchkov, partly during A.F. Kerensky. As for the regimental, company and other committees, the idea of \u200b\u200bwhich was first expressed in Order No. 1, not only public institutions, but also many representatives of the highest command staff, spoke about their positive, organizing role.
Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.
G.I. Zlokazov. New data on Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies
(Initial publication: Source study of Russian history: collection of articles. 1981 / Academy of Sciences of the USSR, Institute of History of the USSR; editor-in-chief V.I.Buganov, responsible secretary V.F.Kutyev. M., 1982. S. 62- 71.)The history of the creation of Order No. 1, which played an important role in revolutionizing the Russian army and strengthening the positions of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies in 1917, is considered in some detail in the historical literature, especially in the works of V.I. Miller and Yu. S. Tokarev (1 ). However, the researchers did not use some materials that made it possible to more fully disclose the participation of the soldier masses in the publication of Order No. 1, as well as the attitude of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the compromising Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet towards it. An attempt is made below to analyze these materials.
It is known that Order No. 1 was a response action of the Petrograd Soviet to the order of the Chairman of the State Duma MV Rodzianko dated February 27, which pursued the goal of separating the revolutionary masses and isolating the insurgent soldiers of the Petrograd garrison from the working class. Usually, information about the order of MV Rodzianko is cited from the memoirs of contemporaries. We managed to find the original of this order, which clearly reveals the counter-revolutionary intentions of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. Printed in a separate leaflet, he ordered all lower ranks and military units to immediately return to their barracks. In turn, the officers should return to their units and take measures "to establish order." The unit commanders were ordered to arrive at the State Duma to receive orders by 11 a.m. on February 28 (2). According to the recollections of an eyewitness to the events of the Bundist M. Rafes, Rodzianko's order also prescribed that the soldiers surrender their weapons (3), however, the original text of the order does not say anything directly about this. One of the participants in the February Revolution, a member of the Union of Republican Officers, B. Lyubarsky, recalling the events, wrote that attempts to take away weapons from the soldiers, "drive them back from the street to the barracks" met with resistance from the latter. They began to disarm the officers, expel from the units those of them who had bullied the soldiers in the past, and also began to hold elections for commanders who won the trust of the soldiers 'masses, organize regimental and company committees, which became the bodies of soldiers' self-government. According to B. Lyubarsky, the behavior of the soldiers was also strongly influenced by the message received on February 28, 1917 that the punitive expedition of General N. I. Ivanov had been thrown against Petrograd with the aim of bloody pacification of the revolutionary capital. "This news," wrote B. Lyubarsky, "quickly spread throughout St. Petersburg, penetrated into the barracks, into the soldiers' masses and immediately made them wary" (4).
The order of M.V. Rodzianko also caused a violent reaction from the deputies of the Petrograd Soviet, who angrily condemned the provocative venture of the Duma Committee at the plenum of the Soviet on February 28 (5). This reaction also had an impact on the compromising Executive Committee of the Soviet, which was forced to take retaliatory measures in order to keep the Petrograd garrison in the hands of the Soviet. This was mentioned in the speech of Yu. M. Steklov to the military delegates who visited the Executive Committee on April 4. He bluntly noted that Order No. 1 was a response to "Rodzianko's unsuccessful order, preventing direct confrontation between soldiers and officers," and added that Order No. 1 saved the revolution. While recognizing the participation of the Executive Committee of the Soviet in the publication of Order No. 1, Steklov simultaneously tried to justify the actions of the Compromisers in the eyes of bourgeois circles, who accused the Soviet of the fact that Order No. 1 allegedly caused the disintegration of the army and undermined military discipline (6).
The influence of Rodzianko's order on the events connected with the publication of Order No. 1 is also evidenced by the "Information on Order No. 1" published by the Compromisers in July 1917. (7) It says that Rodzianko's order to return to the barracks gave rise to alarm among the soldiers. They feared that on their return to the barracks they might be arrested and disarmed. However, the authors of the information kept silent about the powerful pressure exerted on the Executive Committee of the Soviet by the soldiers themselves, who insisted on securing the rights they had won. According to B. Lyubarsky, delegations from units arrived at the Tauride Palace, demanding to consolidate the rights of soldiers, to authorize spontaneously organized soldiers' committees, to repulse the reactionary officers (8).
The relationship between Rodzianko's order and the publication of Order No. 1 was pointed out by the Bolshevik A.D. Sadovsky, who was directly involved in its development. In his memoirs, he wrote: “At that time the mass of soldiers was agitated around the order of the State Duma military commission, which restored officer power in the units. It is clear that all this threatened the soldier insurrectionary masses with reprisals, and therefore the speeches of the soldiers in the Soviet concerned this exciting issue and was even instructed by the Council of soldiers elected to the Executive Committee to draw up a kind of notification. At the beginning it was not called an order, but a notification or otherwise, but going in opposition to the order of the State Duma ”(9).
Speaking about the position of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet in connection with Order No. 1, Yu.S. Tokarev correctly wrote that the Socialist-Revolutionary Mensheviks provided forced support for the revolutionary initiative of the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison. The Compromisers were afraid of the deals made by the Duma Committee with the tsar in order to suppress the revolution. They wanted to persuade the Duma Committee to form a bourgeois government, but were afraid of attempts to establish the undivided authority of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma over the garrison of Petrograd (10).
In the light of all of the above, it is quite possible to make the assumption that the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Petrograd Soviet, trying to make bourgeois politicians more compliant, deliberately informed them of Order No. 1 with a delay. This assumption suggests itself when familiarizing with the memoirs of V. N. Lvov, who held the post of Chief Prosecutor of the Synod in the Provisional Government of the first composition. He wrote that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma became aware of the appearance of Order No. 1 only in the evening of March 2, 1917, when the Provisional Government had already been formed. They learned about Order No. 1 from ND Sokolov, a member of the Executive Committee of the Council, who had participated in its preparation. Sokolov insisted on issuing an order on behalf of the Provisional Government, but was refused by AI Guchkov and PN Milyukov. However, virtually no consent was required. “Soon I found out,” VN Lvov continued, “that on the morning of March 2, Order No. 1, by order of the RD Council, had already been printed. Consequently, Sokolov came to us post factum "(11)
The responsibility of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet for the appearance of Order No. 1 was also recognized by Yu. M. Steklov, who in those days occupied a prominent position in the leadership of the Soviet. In connection with the campaign of bourgeois circles against the Soviets, raised after the July events, Steklov wrote a letter to the newspaper Novaya Zhizn. He rejected his authorship in the creation of Order No. 1, since, according to him, he was at that time busy with negotiations with the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on the formation of the Provisional Government. Steklov wrote that he saw this document only when it had already been adopted by the Council and published. But then Steklov pointed out that he, like other members of the Council, bears political responsibility for this document, as well as for all other documents issued on behalf of the Council (12).
After the publication in the press of "Information on Order No. 1," the Provisional Committee of the State Duma made its own commentary, which spoke about the active role in the creation of Order No. 1 of the soldiers' masses and the participation of the Petrograd Soviet in this matter. As indicated in the report of the Provisional Committee, late in the evening on March 1, when it became clear that all of Petrograd was in the hands of the revolutionary troops, soldiers' representatives from about 20 units of the garrison appeared in the State Duma and appealed to the chairman of the military commission of the State Duma, commandant of Petrograd B.A.Engelgardt with the statement that they cannot trust their officers who did not take part in the revolution. The soldiers demanded the issuance of an order for the conduct of the election of officers in companies, squadrons, batteries and teams.
The draft of this order concerned the election of junior officers, and also established some supervision of the soldiers over the economy in units of the troops. According to the Provisional Committee, this document "touched less on the foundations of the old military discipline." Engelhardt informed the Provisional Committee of his negotiations with the military delegates. Its members, as well as AI Guchkov, who was present here, categorically opposed the issuance of such an order, "recognizing the impossibility of resolving such a very serious issue hastily." But a little later, a member of the Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, unknown to him, came to Engelhardt, dressed in a soldier's uniform, and offered to take part in drawing up an order aimed at regulating the relationship between officers and soldiers on a new basis. Engelhardt replied that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma found the issuance of the projected order premature, to which he received the answer: "So much the better, we will write it ourselves." And on the afternoon of March 2, Order No. 1 was published (13).
The Provisional Committee did not establish a direct relationship between Rodzianko's order of February 27 and Order No. 1, but its members nevertheless considered the Petrograd Soviet to be guilty of issuing Order No. 1, although the Compromisers denied their initiative in preparing the order in the "Information on Order No. I"
Until now, the historical literature has not resolved the question of whether the text of Order No. 1 before its publication contained a clause on the election of command personnel. According to Yu. S. Tokarev, at the negotiations of the delegation of the Executive Committee of the Council with the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on the formation of the Provisional Government, which took place on the night of March 1–2, the issue of the election of the command staff by soldiers was already mentioned. It was put forward by a delegation of the Petrograd Soviet, but rejected by the Provisional Committee (14). He came to this conclusion by deciphering the draft secretary record of the plenary session of the Petrograd Soviet on March 2, which reproduces the text of the speech of Yu. M. Steklov on the negotiations between the Executive Committee of the Soviet and the Provisional Committee on the conditions for the formation of the Provisional Government. The entry is very vague, but it does include a clause on the election of commanders.
It is very difficult to establish firm positions of the parties on this issue from the text of the entry, but it is possible that the Executive Committee of the Council insisted on the election of commanders. It is also possible that there was a clause on the election of officers in Order No. 1, but then, during its printing, it was removed at the insistence of the Executive Committee of the Council. To some extent, this is confirmed by the memories of the Socialist-Revolutionary Yu. A. Kudryavtsev about the February Revolution (15). They have not yet been used by historians, although they provide a number of new information on the issue considered here. Kudryavtsev drew up Order No. 1 together with the Bolsheviks A. N. Paderin (16), A. D. Sadovsky and other deputies-soldiers. He writes that the appeal of the soldiers' representatives to the military commission of the State Duma with a demand to issue a manifesto on the civil rights of soldiers, to secure the army behind the revolution, to stop taking away weapons from the soldiers did not give any result. (Recall that the arrival of soldiers' delegates to the military commission was also mentioned in the above message of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.)
The chairman of the military commission, B.A.Engelgardt, greeted the soldiers' representatives, among whom was Kudryavtsev, with hostility. He refused to publish such a manifesto, demanded the return of the soldiers to their units and submission to the command staff. As Kudryavtsev writes, this made "the soldiers' activists of the February revolution look for another way out in the interests of the revolution." The soldiers gathered for their first meeting in the Soviet (meaning the meeting of the plenum of the Petrograd Soviet on March 1, at which deputies from military units were widely represented for the first time). Under the influence of the revolutionary masses of soldiers, Engelhardt was forced to issue an order on pain of execution to stop taking away weapons from the soldiers (17).
At the same time, the return to the barracks of the command staff, who had hidden during the uprising of the garrison, could not restore normal relations between soldiers and officers.
Further, Kudryavtsev wrote that a mass of delegates from military units appeared in room No. 12 of the Tavrichesky Palace during a meeting of the "working part of the Executive Committee". The meeting was stormy. A number of orators from the soldiers made demands for civil rights for soldiers, for continued participation of military units in the revolution. These sentiments were based on the need to create the organizational stability of the Petrograd garrison units, to stop the officers' attempts to isolate the soldiers in the barracks and take away their weapons, and also to resolve the food crisis in the units. Among the speakers, in addition to himself, the author of the memoirs named A. P. Borisov, F. F. Linde, N. D. Sokolov. Kudryavtsev remembered that the orators made hot, excited speeches, although sometimes they were "clumsy in their language." As a result, a decision was made: the soldiers should not give their weapons to anyone; invite the soldiers to elect their representatives to the Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, one from the company. In their political speeches, the soldiers should obey only the Petrograd Soviet.
The decision provided that the soldier and the officer were equal citizens outside the service. It was established that the subordination of soldiers to the orders of the military commission of the State Duma is carried out only as long as they do not disagree with the decisions of the Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies. "By these decisions, - wrote Yu. A. Kudryavtsev, - the army ... was assigned to the revolution."
Kudryavtsev fairly accurately reproduced the course of the meeting of the Petrograd Soviet on March 1, at which the draft of the future Order No. 1 was basically drawn up. Kudryavtsev's memories are generally supported by documentary data (18) and clarify some details.
Yu. A. Kudryavtsev believed that at the meeting of the Council on March 1, "on the basis of an indisputable account of the real situation ... the soldiers gained civil freedom and civil rights."
For the purposes of the closest communication with the representatives of the workers in the Executive Committee of the Soviet, A.D.Sadovsky, A.N. Paderin, V.I.Badenko, F.F. Linde, Sokolov, Yu.A. Kudryavtsev, A.P. Borisov, Klimchinsky, I. G. Barkov, Vakulenko. A commission was also created to formulate decisions of the Council meeting on March 1, which sat in room 13 of the Tauride Palace. Unlike the authors of other memoirs, Yu. A. Kudryavtsev mentions Yu. M. Steklov among the members of the commission. As far as the memoirist remembers, at first under the dictation of soldiers, members of the commission, the text was written by Yu. M. Steklov, but soon it was replaced by ND Sokolov. In addition, another 2-3 people were recording, whose names are not named in their memoirs. In presenting this information, Kudryavtsev believed that in the memoirs of A.G. Shlyapnikov and N.N. Sukhanov, the details about the meeting of the soldier's commission on the development of Order No. 1 (19) were not quite accurately conveyed.
As a result of the work of the soldiers' commission, Order No. 1 was created, which extended to the garrison of the Petrograd district and was brought to the attention of the workers of Petrograd.
The memoirs of B. Lyubarsky, which we have already mentioned, also inform about the creation by the Council of the Soldiers' Commission to develop an order that would consolidate the rights of the soldiers obtained in a hard struggle. B. Lyubarsky named almost the entire composition of the commission for the development of a soldier's order. He confirmed that it included Yu. M. Steklov. In addition to him, the commission included the Bolshevik M. Yu. Kozlovsky, the Menshevik M. M. Dobranitsky, the Socialist-Revolutionary V. N. Filippovsky, the soldier of the Lithuanian regiment Menshevik A. P. Borisov, the soldier of the Finnish regiment F. F. Linde (internationalist), as well as several from the Union of Republican Officers, whose names are not disclosed. Complementing the known facts, B. Lyubarsky reported some interesting details of the work of the soldier's commission for drawing up Order No. 1. This commission worked from 3 pm on March 1 in the library of the Tauride Palace. Delegates from military units also took part in its work. Almost without any controversy, all points of the order were quickly adopted. According to B. Lyubarsky, the final editing of the document was entrusted to M. M. Dobranitsky, and at 7 pm on March 1, the order was submitted for approval by the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet (other authors of the memoirs do not report in such detail either about the work of the commission or about the meeting of the Executive Committee) ...
Thus, before the publication of Order No. 1, its text was also considered by the Executive Committee of the Council, which once again confirms the deep interest of the Compromisers in this document. The meeting was chaired by NS Chkheidze. Representatives of the Officers' Union were invited: Ensign Shahverdov and Captain of the 6th Reserve Regiment Menshevik-Oboronets Saks. The order was read out and no objection was raised. The officers present said that they considered it necessary to issue such an order to restore calm in the units of the garrison, to restore confidence in the officers. The meeting of the Executive Committee of the Council lasted only 15 minutes, and on the same evening Order No. 1 was sent out to the garrison units (20).
B. Lyubarsky's story about a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, which unanimously approved Order No. 1, shows that the Compromisers perceived Order No. 1, proceeding, of course, from their own interests. Apparently, by the fact of its publication, they wanted to demonstrate to the officials of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma the real influence that the Petrograd Soviet had then. Thus, the petty-bourgeois politicians tried to get concessions from the bourgeoisie in the negotiations on the creation of the Provisional Government. As is known, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries did not even think about creating a government on the basis of the Petrograd Soviet, being opponents of the further progressive development of the revolution.
In the memoirs of Yu. A. Kudryavtsev, there is a statement that the published document was named an order based on his personal proposal, but it is not possible to verify the reliability of this statement. Order No. 1 was then brought to the attention of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and at the same time sent to the printing house of Izvestia Petrograd Soviet. The text of the order was transmitted to the newspaper by Kudryavtsev himself, which is confirmed by the memoirs of A.D.Sadovsky. He wrote that Kudryavtsev went to some printing house, where Order No. 1 was printed at night and in the morning it was distributed among military units (21).
The Izvestia printing house, which was in charge of the Bolshevik B. D. Bonch-Bruevich, decided to publish Order No. 1 in large circulation. It was about 1-2 million prints. According to Kudryavtsev, about 1 million copies were actually printed at that time.
The memoirist further cited an important fact about the exclusion of one of the paragraphs from the text of Order No. 1 during its printing. He recalled that there was talk about the right to withdraw the lower command staff, on which the soldiers of the military units insisted. However, Kudryavtsev could not recall the content of this item more accurately. This point, which, judging by the recollections, concerned the right to elect the lower command personnel by the soldiers themselves, was deleted by members of the Executive Committee of the Council N.D.Sokolov, Yu.M. Steklov and others as a result of a sharp protest from the Provisional Committee of the State Duma or the military commission of the State Duma.
Order No. 1 was printed on the morning of March 2 and was quickly transported around the city on cars from the automobile unit where Kudryavtsev worked.
Thus, giving a number of new information about the development of Order No. 1, the memoirs of Yu. A. Kudryavtsev to some extent concretize the issue of the election beginning: was there or was not such a point in its text. Judging by the content of the memoirs, it could have been before printing, and in the process of printing, excluded by the Compromisers under pressure from the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. However, the memoirs of Yu. A. Kudryavtsev do not give a firm answer to the question whether there was a full clause on the election of officers in Order No. 1.
Yu. A. Kudryavtsev, like other memoirists, defends the version that ND Sokolov only wrote down the text of Order No. 1, ostensibly showing complete passivity. This version is refuted by the Left Socialist-Revolutionary S. D. Mstislavsky, who was a participant and witness of the events of the February Revolution. He drew attention precisely to the interest of the members of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet in weakening the influence of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. Mstislavsky noted that ND Sokolov really wrote Order No. 1 under the dictation of the soldiers' deputies who had just been introduced to the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, but at the same time he nevertheless introduced points 3 and 4 (22) into the text of the order.
As you know, paragraph 3 of the order established that in all their political speeches, military units obey the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies and their committees, and paragraph 4 said that the orders of the military commission of the State Duma should be carried out only in cases where they are not contradict orders and resolutions of the Petrograd Soviet. This once again confirms the forced participation of the Compromisers in the development of Order No. 1, dictated by the political motives that guided the petty-bourgeois parties, which ultimately sought to retard the development of the revolutionary process in the country after the overthrow of the autocracy.
Thus, the materials presented in the article concretize the history of the creation of Order No. 1, clarify the circumstances and reasons for its creation.
1. Miller VI Beginning of the democratization of the old army in the days of the February Revolution -History of the USSR, 1966, No. 6; He's the same. From the history of order number 1 of the Petrograd Soviet.-Military history journal, 1966, number 2; He's the same. Soldiers' committees of the Russian army in 1917, M., 1974; Tokarev Yu. S. Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies. - Auxiliary historical disciplines. L., 1973, issue. five; He's the same. Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies in March - April 1917 L., 1976.
2. State. Museum of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Leningrad, f. 2: (Fund of leaflets), No. 10771 / 1-2.
3. The Past, 1922, no. 19, p. 193.
4. Lyubarsky B. Order number 1: (According to notes) .- Krasnaya Zvezda, 1924, March 12. Despite the importance of the information given by the author, his memoirs were not used in the literature and remained little known. Meanwhile, as their name shows, they were written not only from memory, but also on the basis of the notes available to the author, made, obviously, in the wake of events. This enhances the degree of reliability of the memoirs of B. Lyubarsky. No information was found about his party affiliation, but he was in close contact with the Social Revolutionaries in the Union of Republican Officers and, apparently, was close to this party. B. Lyubarsky is also the author of the brochure "The Truth About Order No. 1", published in Petrograd in 1917 on behalf of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. The brochure was of an agitation and propaganda nature and it justified the actions of the Executive Committee of the Council.
5. Zlokazov GI On the meeting of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies on February 28, 1917 - In the book: October and the Civil War in the USSR. M., 1966.
6. State. archive of the October revolution and socialist construction in Leningrad (hereinafter: TsGAORL), f. 7384, op. 9, d.196a, l. 2 rev-3. The reactionary military clique constantly reiterated about the "demoralizing" influence of Order No. 1. For example, at an emergency meeting of the Council of the "Military League" together with representatives of the "Union of St. George Knights", "Officers' Union of Volunteers of the People's Army", "Union of Personal Example", "Cossack Congress" , "Unity", "Battalions of Death", "Honor of the Motherland and Order" and other clearly counter-revolutionary-monarchist organizations that took place on July 31, 1917, the officers who spoke fiercely attacked the "initiators of Order No. 1, civilians who took on someone else's spirit and work matter, ”and accused them of bringing the army to demoralization. They welcomed the activities of L. G. Kornilov as Minister of War, calling him a staunch fighter "for a health-improving beginning in the army" (Army and Navy of Free Russia, 1917, Aug. 2).
7. News of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, 1917, 23 July.
8. Red Star, 1924, March 12.
9 Central Party Archives of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism under the Central Committee of the CPSU (hereinafter: CPA IML), f. 124, op. 1, d. 1699, p. II, l. 268 vol .; see also: Ibid., part III, fol. 8.
10. Auxiliary historical disciplines, vol. 5, p. 55.
11. Lvov V. N. "Revolutionary democracy" and its leaders in the role of leaders of the policy of the Provisional Government. Omsk, 1919, p. 3.
12. New life, 1917, 1 Aug.
13 Speech, 1917, July 30.
14 Tokarev Yu.S. Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies in March-April 1917, p. 64-65; see also: TsGAORL, f. 1000, op. 73, d. 3.
15. CPA IML, f. 71, op. 15, d.401, l. 13-18. Memoirs were written in 1929.
16. A. N. Paderin spoke about his participation in drawing up Order No. 1 in his memoirs published in the journal Proletarian Revolution (1924, No. 8/9).
17. According to Lyubarsky, this order was issued at the insistence of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet (Krasnaya Zvezda, 1924, March 12).
18. The transcript of the draft minutes of the meeting of the Petrograd Soviet on March 1, 1917 was made by V. I. Miller (History of the USSR, 1966, No. 6).
19. Yu. A. Kudryavtsev had in mind A. Shlyapnikov's book “The Seventeenth Year” and N. Sukhanov's memoirs “Notes on the Revolution”.
20. Red Star, 1924, March 12.
21. CPA IML, f. 124, op. 1, d. 1699, p. II, l. 268 vol.
22. CPA IML, f. 70, op. 3, d.583, l. 5. Memoirs of SD Mstislavsky were written in 1928. SD Mstislavsky (Maslovsky) later became a Soviet writer.
For the garrison of the Petrograd district, all the soldiers of the guard, army, artillery and navy for immediate and accurate execution, and for the workers of Petrograd for information.
The Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies decided:
1) In all companies, battalions, regiments, parks, batteries, squadrons and individual services of various kinds of military directorates and on ships of the navy, immediately select committees from elected representatives from the lower ranks of the above military units.
2) In all military units that have not yet elected their representatives to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, elect one representative from the companies, who will appear with written certificates in the building of the State Duma by 10 o'clock in the morning on this March 2.
3) In all its political actions, the military unit is subordinate to the Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies and to its committees.
4) Orders of the military commission of the State Duma should be carried out, except for those cases when they contradict orders and resolutions of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.
5) All kinds of weapons, such as rifles, machine guns, armored vehicles, etc., must be at the disposal and control of company and battalion committees, and in no case should they be issued to officers even at their request.
6) In the ranks and during the performance of their duties, soldiers must observe the strictest military discipline, but outside of service and in their political, civil and private life, soldiers cannot be diminished in any way in the rights enjoyed by all citizens. In particular, standing up for the front and obligatory saluting outside the service is canceled.
7) In the same way, the titles of officers are canceled: your excellency, nobility, etc., and is replaced by the address: Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc.
Rough treatment of soldiers of all military ranks and, in particular, addressing them on "you" is prohibited, and any violation of this, as well as all misunderstandings between officers and soldiers, the latter must be brought to the attention of company committees.
Read this order in all companies, battalions, regiments, crews, batteries and other combatant and non-combatant teams.
Petrogradskiy Workers' Council and soldiers' deputies
News of the Petrograd Soviet of workers
Declaration of the Provisional Government on its composition and tasks
March 3, 1917
Citizens!
The provisional committee of members of the State Duma, with the assistance and sympathy of the capital's troops and the population, has now achieved such a degree of success over the dark forces of the old regime that allows it to begin a more durable structure of executive power.
For this purpose, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma appoints the following persons as ministers of the first public cabinet, whose trust in the country is ensured by their past social and political activities.
Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Interior
prince G.E. Lviv.
Minister of Foreign Affairs - P.N. Milyukov.
Minister of War and Marine - A.I. Guchkov.
Minister of Railways - N.V. Nekrasov.
Minister of Trade and Industry - A.I. Konovalov.
Minister of Finance - M.I. Tereshchenko.
Minister of Education - A. A. Manuilov.
[Chief Prosecutor] of the Most Holy Synod - V.L. Lviv.
Minister of Agriculture - A. I. Shingarev.
Minister of Justice - A.F. Kerensky.
In its current activity, the cabinet will be guided by the following grounds:
1) Full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious matters, including: terrorist attacks, military uprisings and agrarian crimes, etc.
2) Freedom of speech, press, unions, assembly and strikes, with the extension of political freedoms to servicemen within the limits allowed by military technical conditions.
3) Cancellation of all class, religious and national restrictions.
4) Immediate preparation for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly on the basis of a general, equal, secret and direct vote, which will establish the form of government and the constitution of the country.
5) Replacement of the police by the people's militia with an elected leadership, subordinate to local government bodies.
6) Elections to local government bodies on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret ballot.
7) Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of the military units that took part in the revolutionary movement.
8) While maintaining strict military discipline in the ranks and while performing military service - the elimination of all restrictions for soldiers in the enjoyment of public rights granted to all other citizens.
The Provisional Government considers it its duty to add that it does not at all intend to take advantage of the military circumstances for any delay in the implementation of the above reforms and measures.
Chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko.
Chairman of the Council of Ministers book Lviv.Ministers:
Milyukov, Nekrasov, Manuilov, Konovalov,
Tereshchenko, V. Lvov, Shingarev, Kerensky.
Izvestia of the Petrograd Soviet of workers and
