(b. 1946) - Russian statesman and public figure. Since 1979 - in teaching and administrative work at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute, since 1987 - in party work in the bodies of the CPSU, in 1991 - head. department of the Central Committee of the CPSU of the RSFSR. In 1990, he was elected as a people's deputy of Russia, one of the co-presidents. deputy faction "Communists of Russia". In 1991 - 1992 was in opposition to the government of B.N. Yeltsin - E.T. Gaidar. In 1992-1993 was part of the opposition parliamentary bloc “Russian Unity”. In February 1993, at the congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he was elected to the Central Executive Committee; in April 1994 he left the party. During the Political (Constitutional) Crisis of 1993, he was in the White House, calling on supporters of the Supreme Council to refrain from distributing weapons and to find a compromise with Russian President B. N. Yeltsin. In December 1993, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation from the electoral association of the Agrarian Party; from January 1994 to December 1995 - prev. State Duma of the Russian Federation. In the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation (December 1995), the “Ivan Rybkin Bloc” failed to overcome the 5% barrier, but I. P. Rybkin himself was elected in a single-mandate constituency. In the 1996 presidential elections he supported the candidacy of B. N. Yeltsin. In 1996-1998 - Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In April 1996, he founded the Socialist United Party of Russia, but in connection with the statement about the need to begin negotiations with A. Maskhadov, he was removed from his post as chairman. party (June 29, 2002). Since 1998 - Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the CIS member states
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Rybkin, Ivan Petrovich
Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of Russia in the CIS countries since May 1998, Chairman of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the Russian Federation; born October 20, 1946 in the village of Semigorka, Voronezh region; graduated from the Volgograd Agricultural Institute in 1968, AON under the CPSU Central Committee in 1991, the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation in 1993, Candidate of Technical Sciences, Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor; 1987-1991 - first secretary of the district committee, then second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU; in 1990 he was elected as a deputy of the Volgograd Regional Council; in 1991 - head of the department for relations with the Soviets of People's Deputies of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR; 1990-1993 - people's deputy, member of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, chairman of the Communists of Russia faction; was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first and second convocations; Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation since January 1994; was a member of the International Affairs Committee in the State Duma of the second convocation, was vice-president of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; in May 1994, by presidential decree, he was introduced to the Security Council; in October 1996, appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic; from October 1996 he was Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation; in March 1998 he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation for CIS Affairs (until the resignation of the entire government); in the fall of 1991 he became one of the initiators of the creation of the Socialist Workers' Party (SPT) and was elected one of its 7 co-chairs; in 1994 he joined the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR); On June 8, 1995, he was elected chairman of the Association "Regions of Russia"; created the "Consent" movement; at the beginning of April 1996, he founded and registered the Socialist Party of Russia (SPR), and was elected its chairman; published in magazines and various university collections, has over 70 publications on the reliability of agricultural machines (technical and economic aspects); author of more than 300 publications and books on politics and economics; author of the books “The State Duma: the fifth attempt”, “We are doomed to agreement”, “A safe world for Russia”, “Russia will find agreement”; married, has two daughters; loves to read fiction, is interested in agriculture, chess, and auto repair.
Signed an appeal to the Constitutional Court on the unconstitutionality of the decrees of the President of Russia of August 23 and 25, 1991 on the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992, he sent a letter to B. Yeltsin with a request to suspend their action until the decision of the Constitutional Court. He characterizes his views as socialist and social-democratic; has a negative attitude towards both extreme left and extreme right organizations, believing that Russia’s current problems can only be solved in conditions of civil peace and national harmony. Supports "reasonable" government regulation. He considers it necessary to integrate the former Soviet republics on a new federal or confederal basis and sees the initial form of such a state in the CIS. Gives priority to human rights over the rights of the nation and state. In February 1997, he stated that “Russia must be ready to use nuclear weapons in the event of direct aggression,” while making it clear that he considered the Soviet Union’s commitment not to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances to be a mistake. He expressed the following vision of the Security Council: “The task of the Security Council is to keep in view the entire sum of external and internal threats and challenges to the security of the world and, in accordance with this, prepare scientifically based recommendations for the top leadership of the Russian Federation, helping in making adequate decisions. This includes the development of conceptual problems of the state's national security. To cope with this task, the Security Council must turn into a powerful analytical center with a multi-level system of comprehensive study of the situation in the country and in the world."
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06/20/1946). Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation for CIS Affairs in the government of V. S. Chernomyrdin from 03/01/1998 to 03/23/1998; Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation B. N. Yeltsin in the CIS member states in the rank of Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation in May - August 1998; Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation from October 21, 1996 to March 1, 1998. Born in the village of Semigorka, Voronezh Region, into a peasant family. Having switched to the position of Democrats, in 1996 he recalled that both of his grandfathers “in the rebel army of General Antonov defended the Don from the Red Commissars.” The press sarcastically commented that when he joined the CPSU, he clearly did not talk about the struggle of his ancestors against the Bolsheviks. My father worked on a collective farm as an accountant, then as a chief accountant. He received his education at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute with a degree in mechanical engineering (with honors, 1968), in graduate school at this institute (1974), at the Academy of Social Sciences under the CPSU Central Committee (1991), at the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (1993). Candidate of Technical Sciences (dissertation on mechanization of livestock farms, 1974), Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor. I walked five kilometers to school. He began his career on the collective farm “Zavety Ilyich” in the Novoannensky district of the Volgograd region. In 1968-1969 worked as a senior engineer at one of the state farms in the Volgograd region. In 1969-1970 served in the Soviet Army. In 1974-1987 worked at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute as an assistant, senior lecturer, associate professor, head of the department of mechanization and automation of livestock farming, deputy dean of the mechanical faculty, and since 1983 secretary of the party committee. He has been published in magazines and various university collections, and has over 70 publications on the reliability of agricultural machines (technical and economic aspects). Since 1987, first secretary of the Soviet district committee of the CPSU of Volgograd, since March 1990, second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU. Since June 1991, head of the department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR for relations with the Soviets of People's Deputies. He began his career in Moscow as an orthodox communist. In 1990 he was elected people's deputy of the RSFSR. He worked on a permanent basis in the Committee of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR on the work of the Councils of People's Deputies and the development of self-government. In 1990, he became one of the founders and co-chairman of the Communists of Russia faction. Voted for the exclusion of Article 6 on the leading role of the CPSU from the USSR Constitution. In 1990 he spoke out against the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, believing that this would lead to a weakening of ties between the communist parties. Nevertheless, he was elected to the founding congress from the Volgograd region and voted against the election of I.K. Polozkov as the first secretary of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. After an unsuccessful performance, the State Emergency Committee in August 1991 proposed to B. N. Yeltsin to hold a congress of the CPSU, at which party members could determine themselves. B. N. Yeltsin proposed discussing this issue with G. E. Burbulis, but the latter did not consider holding such a congress advisable. I.P. Rybkin, along with other people's deputies of the RSFSR, signed appeals to the Constitutional Court about the unconstitutionality of the decrees of the President of Russia of August 23 and 25, 1991 on the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992, he sent a letter to B.N. Yeltsin with a request to suspend their action until the decision of the Constitutional Court. He was one of the initiators of the creation of the Socialist Working People's Party, and from October 1991 to June 1993 he was one of its seven co-chairs. At the VII Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (December 1992), he was elected to the Supreme Council by rotation. After the decision of the Constitutional Court, which opened the way to the restoration of the Communist Party, I. P. Rybkin, together with other members of the faction, participated in the preparation of the restoration congress of the party. On December 3, 1992, together with V. A. Kuptsov, G. A. Zyuganov and others, he signed an appeal from the initiative committee for convening the Congress of Communists of the Russian Federation. The authors of the appeal called on the communists to organize organizational unification and recreate the Communist Party of Russia as “the political spokesman of the working people.” On February 14, 1993, at the Second Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (restoration and unification), he was elected one of the six deputy chairmen of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. A. Zyuganov. The policy statement and charter adopted by the congress stated that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation would be a party in opposition to the existing regime, using parliamentary forms of struggle for reforms, but in the interests of the working people, for returning the country to the socialist path of development. After this he left the Socialist Working People's Party. He was deputy chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation until his resignation from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in April 1994. During the confrontation between the president and parliament in late September - early October 1993, he was in the House of Soviets. He was on the side of A.V. Rutsky and R.I. Khasbulatov, but insisted on a peaceful resolution of the issue, supporting the “zero option” of V.D. Zorkin. "zero option". Voted in the besieged Supreme Council for the removal of B. N. Yeltsin from the post of President of the Russian Federation. After the shooting of the parliament, Deputy Head of the Main Directorate of Water Management of the Ministry of Agriculture of the Russian Federation. At the same time he joined the Agrarian Party of Russia. On December 12, 1993, he was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation on the list of the Agrarian Party of Russia. Since January 15, 1994, Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. Received 223 votes with the required 223 votes. His main rival B.P. Vlasov received 33 votes. He was one of the first to advocate political amnesty for participants in the events of September - October 1993. Since May 1994, he has been a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In June 1994 he was reinstated in the Socialist Workers' Party. In 1995 he was expelled from the Agrarian Party of Russia. According to the former deputy chairman of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation, Yu. Yu. Boldyrev, Chairman of the State Duma I. P. Rybkin and V. S. Chernomyrdin’s assistants established the Russian-American Partnership Fund, into which the government illegally pumped several million dollars: “We find out that the money these are going to be transferred abroad. We are making a direct order to Finance Minister Livshits: to collect them back into the budget within 24 hours. By law, he is obliged to either comply or appeal in court. Silence. The money is leaving. The executive director who transferred the money is immediately shot on Rublevskoye Highway. That’s it, ends in the water…” (Moskovsky Komsomolets. 2001. No. 66. P. 2). During an official visit to the United States as Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, publications appeared in the Russian press about a scandal associated with I. P. Rybkin’s purchase in the United States of furniture for his personal dacha, which he transported across the ocean in a government plane from the Rossiya air squad. Since 06/08/1995, Chairman of the “Regions of Russia” association. In July 1995, he founded the pre-election “Block of Center-Left Orientation” (“Ivan Rybkin Bloc”), which was defeated in the State Duma elections, and thereby failed the plan developed by Kremlin political strategists. He entered at number 1 on the electoral list of this bloc, but in the elections he did not overcome the five percent barrier. According to a number of analysts, he crossed out his own leadership ambitions for a long time, if not forever. In September 1995, at the congress of the Agrarian Party of Russia, he was removed from the leadership of the party. He entered the State Duma of the second convocation in a single-mandate constituency in the Voronezh region. Since December 1995, deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the second convocation. He was an independent deputy and a member of the State Duma Committee on International Affairs. He ran for the post of Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the second convocation, but was not elected. Created the "Consent" movement. In June 1996, he became chairman of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the Russian Federation. In the same year he founded the Socialist Party of Russia and was invited to the 20th Congress of the Socialist International in New York. He was vice-president of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Before the presidential elections in the Russian Federation in the summer of 1996, he published a loyal article in Izvestia, “Why I will vote for Boris Yeltsin,” in which he renounced his previous communist beliefs. The article was noticed in the Kremlin. Since October 21, 1996, Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. Replaced A.I. Lebed, who was dismissed, in this position. At the same time, he was appointed plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic. He promised to continue A.I. Lebed’s course towards a peaceful settlement in Chechnya. He reorganized the apparatus and working bodies, as a result the number of his deputies reached six people, and the number of chiefs in the apparatus increased several times. Signed the order for the publication of the fundamental work “Security of Russia. Legal, socio-economic and scientific-technical aspects" in 15 volumes (plus 17 books of appendices) with a total value of over two million dollars. Not a single volume was published, the money allocated for them disappeared. In the throes of creativity, it was possible to produce only a thin “Dictionary of Terms and Definitions” concerning the national security of Russia, and a “Collection of legal acts on security issues,” published in one copy. On January 17, 1997, he was invited to the Gorki-9 residence near Moscow, where B. N. Yeltsin instructed him to be his personal representative at the inauguration of the President of the Chechen Republic A. A. Maskhadov. On January 27, 1997, he became a member of the Foreign Policy Council under the President of the Russian Federation. On February 14, 1997, he was appointed chairman of the commission for the development of a draft agreement on the delimitation of jurisdiction and powers between government bodies of the Russian Federation and Chechnya. I spent several hours in the reception room of the President of the Chechen Republic A. A. Maskhadov before I got an appointment with him. He was strongly influenced by B. A. Berezovsky, who, having Russian and Israeli citizenship, became I. P. Rybkin’s deputy and gained access to confidential documents that the Security Council was working on. A week before the second round of voting, B. N. Yeltsin abolished the Public Chamber under the President of the Russian Federation and formed a Political Advisory Council headed by I. P. Rybkin. In February 1998, I. P. Rybkin presented to the press the Russian edition of the book “The Future of European Social Democracy”, where he was one of the co-authors, including 32 well-known European politicians, including the prime ministers of France and Great Britain, and the Secretary General of NATO etc. Within the structure of the Security Council, he created a department for interaction with the Security Councils of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. As a result, a number of regions adopted their own security laws that contradicted the Constitution of the Russian Federation, and the tasks of local Security Councils included such matters as “identifying internal and external threats” (Tomsk, Mordovia), “considering defense issues” (Tomsk, Tyva, Ingushetia ), “on the introduction and lifting of a state of emergency” (Mordovia, Kabardino-Balkaria). The press was ironic: it would be interesting to see how at meetings of the Tomsk Security Council they are developing a defense plan against their neighbors - the Novosibirsk and Kemerovo regions, or how in Tyva they are going to defend themselves from the Buryat invasion. At the beginning of November 1996, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation E.M. Primakov harshly commented on the amateurish statement of I.P. Rybkin on the issue of Russia’s participation in NATO: “The secretaries of the Security Council have acquired some kind of hobby to speak on issues of Russia’s relations with NATO. The foreign policy is formulated by the Foreign Ministry, and it has a negative attitude towards NATO expansion.” In February 1997, he stated that “Russia must be ready to use nuclear weapons in the event of direct aggression,” which considers the USSR’s commitment not to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances to be a mistake. On 10/08/1997, he was relieved of his duties as the representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic. He was replaced in this post by V.S. Vlasov. He retained the position of Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. Since 03/01/1998, Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation for the Affairs of the CIS and the Chechen Republic in the government of V. S. Chernomyrdin. Nominated at the insistence of B.A. Berezovsky, since this position made it possible to regulate huge cash flows. The total debt of the CIS countries to Russia was about 6 billion dollars, and working with these debts provided a fertile field for financial and economic activity. Replaced the dismissed V.M. Serov. He remained in this position for 22 days, until the resignation of the government of V.S. Chernomyrdin. From May 14, 1998 to 2000, Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the CIS countries with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister. The position was decorative, introduced specifically for him. I was burdened by it, since all the work on the CIS was carried out in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in the office of the Executive Secretary of the CIS. Demonstrated the highest devotion to B.N. Yeltsin. In 1998, without waiting for the decision of the Constitutional Court, he was the first to declare that B. N. Yeltsin could run for president for a third term. At the beginning of 1999, he called him “a symbol of the unification of Russia and Belarus” and proposed electing him as president of the Union of the Russian Federation and Belarus. 06/05/1998 participated in the baptism of B. A. Berezovsky’s six-month-old son Gleb in the Orthodox Church of Dmitry of Thessaloniki as a godfather. In 2000, with the arrival of V.V. Putin, the political advisory council under the President of the Russian Federation, headed by I.P. Rybkin, was also abolished. Not a leader by nature. According to the former speaker of the upper house of the Russian Parliament V.F. Shumeiko, “when Yeltsin beckoned, in exactly a week he turned from a convinced communist to his ardent supporter” (Shevchenko D. Kremlin Morals. M., 1999. P. 212). V. F. Shumeiko makes the following comparison: “The other day I was leafing through the Niva magazine from the beginning of the century, and accidentally came across an advertisement for a weight loss product: a fat lady, and next to her a slender girl - after the procedures. And the signature: “In three days I became a coquette.” Right about my friend Vanya! He just doesn’t have the courage to give up on all this, to part with the Kremlin “without sadness.” But I understand: it’s hard to go straight from a first-class carriage to a reserved seat that smells like a latrine...” (Ibid.) In April 2002, he was summoned to the Prosecutor General’s Office of the Russian Federation for a conversation about his activities as Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. The investigation was interested in the circumstances surrounding the preparation and signing of the peace treaty between Russia and Chechnya in 1997. On June 27, 2002, he published an open letter to President V.V. Putin in the Kommersant newspaper, where he spoke out against the “perversion of the role of Alexander Lebed in achieving peace “in Chechnya and “labeling Boris Berezovsky a “terrorist accomplice,” also proposed to begin peace negotiations with “the legally elected President of the Chechen Republic, Aslan Maskhadov.” On June 29, 2002, the plenum of the federal board of the Socialist United Party of Russia (“Spiritual Heritage”) condemned party chairman I.P. Rybkin for this letter. In response, he resigned as head of the party and left the plenum. He characterizes his views as socialist and social-democratic. Gives priority to human rights over the rights of the nation and state. On April 12, 2003, the second congress of the Socialist Unity Party of Russia unanimously deprived I.P. Rybkin of its membership for “defamatory connections with Boris Berezovsky.” 07/07/2003 members of the Liberal Russia party from among B.’s supporters. A. Berezovsky delegated the powers of party leader to I. P. Rybkin. He heads the Soglasie Foundation, located in a luxurious 19th-century mansion that belonged to the merchant Stakhaev; since 1921, it has housed the Central House for Children of Railway Workers. According to press reports, half a million dollars were deposited into the fund's account on the eve of the 1996 presidential elections. It pays scholarships to excellent students at ten universities and has donated computer classes to a number of schools. According to I.P. Rybkin, he does not have accounts or securities in foreign banks. Privatized a service apartment in Protochny Lane with a living area of 176 square meters. According to press reports, it is related to a five-room apartment on Zvenigorodskaya Street with an area of 220 square meters, purchased for 800 thousand dollars from the family of aircraft designer Ilyushin, allegedly by a certain Mr. Yaroslavsky, who was not seen there, but the personal SAAB of I. P. Rybkin and his official Mercedes (Komsomolskaya Pravda. 02/05/1999). In 1999, his dacha in the village of Starovo, Yaroslavl region, was robbed. Owns, as private property, dachas No. 47 and 47a in the elite dacha village “Zhukovka-3” near Moscow, which is not subject to privatization. Over the course of several years, he was in the leadership of five parties (CPSU, Socialist Party of Workers, Communist Party of the Russian Federation, APRF, Socialist Party of Russia). There was a time when he was in the leadership of three political structures at the same time, which had different political goals and were not part of the coalition. Awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (1997). The books “State Duma: the fifth attempt”, “We are doomed to agreement”, “A safe world for Russia”, “Russia will find agreement” were published under his signature. At the end of December 2003, he was nominated by an initiative group of 700 representatives of 60 regions of Russia for the post of President of the Russian Federation. On 02/02/2004 he published a statement in the Kommersant newspaper “Putin has no right to power in Russia”, where he argued that “the actions of President Putin and his inner circle should be regarded by society as state crimes”, accused the authorities of “the actual destruction of the Constitution ”, the outbreak of war in Chechnya and the authorities’ attempts to “intimidate us all.” He called V.V. Putin “the largest oligarch in Russia,” as well as the names of people who, in his opinion, are “responsible for Putin’s business.” He likes to read fiction and is interested in agriculture, chess, and auto repair. Plays the guitar, sings romances and Cossack songs. Married. There are two daughters. The eldest, Larisa, studied at one of the American universities.
Birthday October 20, 1946
Russian statesman and politician
Biography
Born on October 20, 1946 in the village of Semigorka, Voronezh region, into a peasant family. He received his education at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute with a degree in mechanical engineer (with honors, 1968), in graduate school at the same institute (1974), at the Academy of Social Sciences under the CPSU Central Committee (1991) and at the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Foreign Ministry (1993). In 1968-1969 worked as a senior engineer at the collective farm “Zavety Ilyich” in the Novoannensky district of the Volgograd region. In 1991, he was head of the department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, then in the Agrarian Party. In 1994-1996 was the Chairman of the State Duma of the 1st convocation. From October 21, 1996 to March 1998 - Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. From March 1 to March 23, 1998 - Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation for the Affairs of the CIS and the Chechen Republic in the office of V. Chernomyrdin (until the resignation of the Government). In 2004, he put forward his candidacy for the post of President of the Russian Federation, enjoyed the support of B. A. Berezovsky, but after the scandalous (and still unclear) incident with the disappearance and appearance of Rybkin in Kyiv in February 2004, he withdrew his candidacy (March 5).
Disappeared in February 2004
On the evening of February 5, 2004, Ivan Rybkin disappeared. On February 8, Rybkin’s wife wrote a statement about her husband’s disappearance at the Arbat police station. On the same day, the Moscow City Internal Affairs Directorate opened a search investigation into his disappearance.
According to Rybkin’s first explanations, on February 5 he decided to “take a break from the fuss” that was raised around him and went to Kyiv. Rybkin did not specify what kind of “fuss” this was. He turned off his mobile phones so that his rest would not be disturbed. “I have the right to two or three days of privacy! - said Rybkin. “I often visit Kyiv, my friends and I walk the streets, especially since the weather was good there this weekend.”
Ksenia Ponomareva, head of Rybkin’s campaign headquarters, said: “If everything is really as Rybkin says, then this is not an increase in the effectiveness of his election campaign, but the end of his political career.” The main sponsor of Rybkin’s election campaign, Boris Berezovsky, said that if everything is really as Rybkin said, then “such a politician no longer exists.” Former Prosecutor General of Russia Yuri Skuratov called the story of Rybkin’s disappearance “a brilliant PR campaign, organized not without the help of Berezovsky.” State Duma deputy Nikolai Kovalev said: “I think this is a PR project for Ksenia Ponomareva. This is her style, her approaches. I assumed that the pause would last no more than four days. This stupid idea makes me laugh out loud. What level do you have to go to to disappear and not leave your phone with your wife? And if Berezovsky also had a hand, then this is already a parody of himself, the remnants of former strategic thinking.”
According to the book by A. Politkovskaya, Rybkin disappeared the day after he publicly accused the administration of Vladimir Putin of involvement in the bombings of houses in Moscow in 1999, which became one of the reasons for the entry of troops into Chechnya and the start of the Second Chechen War. Five days later, Rybkin appeared in Kyiv.
According to a book by Alexander Goldfarb, Rybkin later stated that he had been kidnapped and drugged by FSB agents.
Rybkin stated that he was lured to Ukraine under the pretext of a meeting with the Chechen leader Aslan Maskhadov, but upon arrival he was informed that Maskhadov would be there in two hours and was offered a snack. “After that I ate a couple of sandwiches, after which I don’t remember anything.” After that he was unconscious for four days. When he woke up on February 10, he was shown a video of himself committing “disgusting acts” with “horrible perverts.” He was informed that this video recording would be made public if he did not stop participating in the presidential elections.
He said he feared for his safety and would continue to campaign from abroad, but withdrew his candidacy on March 5, 2004, saying he did not want to participate in “this farce,” as he called the election.
Further events
Ivan Rybkin became one of the petitioners of the procession and rally in Moscow on Russian Flag Day on August 22, 2011.
Former Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of Russia in the CIS countries (since May 1998), Chairman of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the Russian Federation; born October 20, 1946 in the village of Semigorka, Voronezh region; graduated from the Volgograd Agricultural Institute in 1968, AON under the CPSU Central Committee in 1991, the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation in 1993, Candidate of Technical Sciences, Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor; 1987-1991 - first secretary of the district committee, then second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU; in 1990 he was elected as a deputy of the Volgograd Regional Council; in 1991 - head of the department for relations with the Soviets of People's Deputies of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR; 1990-1993 - people's deputy, member of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, chairman of the Communists of Russia faction; was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first and second convocations; Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation since January 1994; was a member of the International Affairs Committee in the State Duma of the second convocation, was vice-president of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; in May 1994, by presidential decree, he was introduced to the Security Council; in October 1996, appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic; from October 1996 he was Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation; in March 1998 he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation for CIS Affairs (until the resignation of the entire government); in the fall of 1991 he became one of the initiators of the creation of the Socialist Workers' Party (SPT) and was elected one of its 7 co-chairs; in 1994 he joined the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR); On June 8, 1995, he was elected chairman of the Association "Regions of Russia"; created the "Consent" movement; at the beginning of April 1996, he founded and registered the Socialist Party of Russia (SPR), and was elected its chairman; published in magazines and various university collections, has over 70 publications on the reliability of agricultural machines (technical and economic aspects); author of more than 300 publications and books on politics and economics; author of the books “The State Duma: the fifth attempt”, “We are doomed to agreement”, “A safe world for Russia”, “Russia will find agreement”; married, has two daughters; loves to read fiction, is interested in agriculture, chess, and auto repair.
Signed an appeal to the Constitutional Court on the unconstitutionality of the decrees of the President of Russia of August 23 and 25, 1991 on the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992, he sent a letter to Boris Yeltsin with a request to suspend their action until the decision of the Constitutional Court. He characterizes his views as socialist and social democratic; has a negative attitude towards both extreme left and extreme right organizations, believing that Russia’s current problems can only be solved in conditions of civil peace and national harmony. Supports "reasonable" government regulation. He considers it necessary to integrate the former Soviet republics on a new federal or confederal basis and sees the initial form of such a state in the CIS. Gives priority to human rights over the rights of the nation and state. In February 1997, he stated that “Russia must be ready to use nuclear weapons in the event of direct aggression,” while making it clear that he considered the Soviet Union’s commitment not to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances to be a mistake. conditions. He expressed the following vision of the Security Council: “The task of the Security Council is to keep in view the entire sum of external and internal threats and challenges to the security of the world and, in accordance with this, prepare scientifically based recommendations for the top leadership of the Russian Federation, helping in making adequate decisions. This includes "development of conceptual problems of the state's national security. To cope with this task, the Security Council must turn into a powerful analytical center with a multi-level system of comprehensive study of the situation in the country and in the world."
“I don’t feel him dead, gone”
20 years ago, in January 1994, Ivan Rybkin was elected speaker of the first State Duma of the Russian Federation. Then there was everything in his life: ups and downs, high government positions, scandals and oblivion.
Now he is a retired politician, although 67 years is “not yet old” for politicians. Lives in a dacha in the village of Dubki, near Odintsovo.
He carefully calls almost everyone whom Ivan Petrovich met over the years by their first and patronymic names, and simply by their first name - except perhaps Boris Berezovsky.
The house is behind a green fence, at the entrance there is a black gangster-looking cat named Bagir. The owner tells a heartbreaking story about how a stray cat almost threw the kitten onto the property...
Ivan Petrovich reads a lot. I love, he says, Bunin and Lermontov. I used to be interested in Yesenin. Now, he says, “Nekrasov is experiencing a rebirth.” Working on his books...
Quiet, near the forest. Every half hour the clock strikes sadly.
Ivan Petrovich Rybkin in his house in the village of Dubki
From the MK dossier
Born in 1946 in the Voronezh region, into a peasant family. He graduated from the Agricultural Institute, the Academy of Social Sciences under the CPSU Central Committee and the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Candidate of Technical Sciences.
He worked as an engineer on a collective farm. Since 1987 - first secretary of the Soviet district committee of the CPSU of Volgograd, then - head of the department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. Participated in the creation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. He was a deputy of the Supreme Council, dispersed by Yeltsin in the fall of 1993, and at one time headed the “Communists of Russia” faction. He entered the State Duma of the first convocation on the list of the Agrarian Party. In 1994–1995 he was speaker. He entered the State Duma of the second convocation in a single-mandate constituency. From 1996 to 1998 he headed the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In March 1998, he was deputy prime minister in the Chernomyrdin government, and until 2000, he was the presidential envoy to the CIS countries. From 1996 to 2002 he headed the Socialist Party. In 2004, he registered as a presidential candidate, but almost immediately withdrew his candidacy.
- For two years you were the speaker of the State Duma...
- Didn’t anyone consult with you in advance?
After the elections, we went to the office of Sergei Aleksandrovich Filatov (then head of the Presidential Administration. - "MK"). It was necessary to prepare the Duma for the first meeting: it is not clear what the structure will be, who will head it, there are no regulations... A ride into the unknown.
During the elections I was the chief of staff of the agrarians. And so their leader, Mikhail Ivanovich Lapshin, invited me to the Kremlin with him. And at the very end of December he suddenly began to insistently say: “Ivan Petrovich, you need to become Chairman of the Duma!”
- They probably talked to Mikhail Ivanovich...
Someone might have talked. I invited him to become the chairman himself, but he replied that he was “too old.” He was only 59 years old. True, his heart was playing tricks, then he had to have an operation, Boris Nikolaevich allocated 80 thousand dollars - and he went to the USA with a doctor, wife and son, lived a long time after that...
The thought is winged, the earth is full of rumors. One Christmas day we were sitting, talking about life, taking a break from papers, drinking tea. And someone says so venomously: “Look, the communists trampled on such a holiday!” I said: “I don’t know who trampled it, but since childhood I went to glorify Christ in our area.” And I read to them a verse that is sung in churches at Christmas: “Your Nativity, O Christ God, rise up in the world, the light of reason...” It turned out that no one else knows him!
- Do you want to say that this is why you were chosen?
- (Laughs.) No, well, I don’t know!
- It was still necessary to look for a compromise; no one had a majority in the first Duma!
The largest faction, but not the majority, was that of Yegor Timurovich Gaidar - “Russia's Democratic Choice”. By the way, Vladimir Volfovich Zhirinovsky responded very quickly to the proposal to make me a speaker - maybe because we were the same age, we had good relations, despite all his shocking remarks, shouts, and antics. He is a very smart man - after all, he has had to play such a role for more than 20 years!
Everything turned out to be darned with a harsh thread, simply. Many factions nominated their candidates, the Argarians nominated me. During the rating voting, I scored more than the others, and then the behind-the-scenes conversations began. I didn’t participate in them, I didn’t go, I didn’t ask anyone, all this was done by the leaders of the factions. They made a tough decision to control the voting, stood near the ballot boxes... We had 444 deputies elected, 223 turned out for me.
Then, however, an appeal was submitted to the Constitutional Court asking whether they were elected legally, since 223 is less than half of the full composition of the Duma, but the court responded: “Ivan Petrovich was elected correctly, but in the future all decisions will be adopted by a majority of 450, 226 votes.”
- And so you sat down facing the meeting room. What's it like?
It's energetically difficult. 449 pairs of eyes pierce you. But after a short outbreak of civil war, the shooting of the White House, I wanted to think only about business - at least that’s what I was in the mood for. And things immediately took hold and entailed: 8 factions - and five parliamentary groups are being created on the fly... How to satisfy their wishes and align their interests?
Yuri Mikhailovich Luzhkov gave me a small chairman's bell after his election. But was such a bell really enough to calm anyone back then? (Laughs.)
- And the building was, to put it mildly, unsuitable...
Former CMEA building! From the windows, the burned-out White House is visible, only me and the first deputy have a separate office, all other deputies are in a common office, at several key cabinet committees. And the rest is all on the first floor, where the meeting room is, on the sidelines, and there they fenced off the premises with screens...
- How did the idea to settle the State Duma on Okhotny Ryad come about?
One day Yuri Mikhailovich Luzhkov came and said: “We still have to stop at something, we are disturbing each other - the squares were taken away from the mayor’s office.” And he offered to look at the State Planning Committee building. I don’t know with whom he discussed this option... We went. We went to the basement, and there was knee-deep and chest-deep sewage and feces! Looking ahead, I will say: when I gave my farewell speech, on December 22, 1995, the fecal pumps were also pumping out farewell streams. They drained everything properly. And in the summer of 1994, a rapid renovation was carried out - they even started the session a little later.
I now have a first deputy, Mikhail Alekseevich Mityukov, a man of great culture and a good lawyer. He had a whole portfolio of bills, partly brought from the Supreme Council of Russia. When I say that two-thirds of the legislation by which Russia now lives was adopted by the State Duma of the first convocation in two years, many are incredulous...
“Two fools for all of Moscow, we sit and work”
In November 1993, you told me how a button on your coat was torn off in a trolleybus during a stampede, and three months later - security, a car with a flashing light, a dacha...
I still have this Chinese coat with padding polyester intact. There are iconic things that cannot be thrown away. Like the sheepskin coat in which I always flew to Chechnya...
And about the status, you can answer in the words of Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev. When I retired from all my affairs, he came to me on my birthday and said: “You know, travel around the world for your own pleasure, but what have we seen in our lives? The insides of a car, airplanes and the faces of our interlocutors, whom we did not choose, but life slipped in.” I followed his advice.
- Do you want to say that status benefits are just a heavy burden?
Nooo, I want to say that my family took all this tinsel - security, you can’t take a step - very hard, because my wife, Albina Nikolaevna, is a very modest person. At the dacha in Barvikha-2 I lived alone almost all the time. Viktor Stepanovich (Chernomyrdin, Prime Minister in 1992–1998 - “MK”), I remember calling in the night and saying: “I have a feeling that you and I are two fools in the whole of Moscow, sitting and working. Come, we’ll either have breakfast early or dinner late.” Sometimes I would get into the car, visit him at the White House, and then drive home. We all lived nearby - he on Barvikha-3, Boris Nikolaevich on Barvikha-4...
And then the 1995 elections, Ivan Rybkin’s center-left bloc did not make it into the Duma, Gennady Seleznev became speaker, and you became an ordinary single-mandate member of the International Affairs Committee. And they gave you an office without a reception area - next to the toilet. How did you take it? There are different people in the Duma, and if you say that you had excellent relations with everyone...
- (Laughs). No, of course, not with everyone.
- Was it offensive?
Not particularly. Boris Nikolaevich, Viktor Stepanovich and I talked about this before the Duma of the second convocation. It was clear who was elected, it was easy to count. (The Second Duma was called “communist.” - “MK.”) I said: “The Duma is different, it needs a different speaker.” They told me: “Well, which one is different?”
Boris Nikolaevich was very worried about all this. I was afraid, perhaps, of some kind of mishap again, that uncontrolled processes would take place, swing, arm, itch, shoulder... They promoted me, although I saw that the matter was almost hopeless, and was already internally prepared for the fact that I would not be a speaker .
I didn’t feel any hostility from the deputies afterwards. Some people, of course, tried to annoy me, but it’s hard for me to annoy. Yes, and you could get it in the forehead...
- Did you really fight in the Duma?
Never! But I was involved in boxing, they knew about it. Even Berezovsky once asked: “Ivan Petrovich, are you really into boxing?” I say yes!" - “Can you knock me down with a blow?” I say: “Do you want to try?” And he stood up... And he: “No, no, no!”
“Cotton wool, bandages, completely burnt”
- Then let’s talk about Berezovsky. This person has played a significant role in your life. He's no longer there...
Or maybe there is.
- Do you think he’s alive?
Yes, I somehow don’t believe it. I don’t feel him dead, gone.
- When did you meet?
June 12, 1994, when Boris Nikolaevich formed the Presidential Club. All the famous people to this day gathered there. And so I look - a man with a blindfold, cotton wool, bandages, completely burned... I quietly asked Shumeiko (Speaker of the Federation Council in 1994–1995 - "MK"): "Who is this?". Boris Nikolaevich heard and said: “And this is our Boris Abramovich Berezovsky!”
Just a few days before, his car was hit with an ATGM (anti-tank guided missile. - "MK") shot. The driver was torn to death, the guard was completely wounded, and he was burned... Then Boris disappeared from my field of vision. We met by chance at some receptions.
- That is, Berezovsky did not help you in the State Duma elections in 1995?
Yes, my whole block was destroyed - if Berezovsky had participated, he, of course, would not have allowed this!
- In the 1996 elections, you campaigned for Yeltsin. This surprised many - the left had its own candidate, Zyuganov...
Yes, I traveled around the country, spoke in support of Boris Nikolayevich, perhaps surprising someone. But even now, if I were to start all over again, I would do exactly the same.
By the way, at the end of 1995, Boris Efimovich Nemtsov (1991-1997 - governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region, - "MK") and Nikolai Ilyich Travkin (in 1996 - leader of the Democratic Party of Russia - "MK") and persistently offered to go to the presidential elections himself. And I answered: “I won’t go against Boris Nikolayevich, but I want to tell you, the hot ones, that it is advisable for him to stay in power for 10 years, so that what we have can be strengthened!” After all, Yeltsin personified, on the one hand, the liberal principle in the economy, reforms, and on the other hand, he tried, as the former first secretary of the regional committee, to retain social benefits.
Once he asked me: “Who do you consider yourself to be, Ivan Petrovich?” He replied that he was a Social Democrat, and Boris Nikolaevich said: “Me too!” True, Sergei Adamovich Kovalev (human rights activist, first Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian Federation - "MK") later remarked mockingly: “He didn’t tell us that!”
- When did you become closely acquainted with Berezovsky?
Already after the presidential elections. In October, I was suddenly called to see Yeltsin in Barvikha. Boris Nikolaevich was then preparing for heart surgery - and he was not in a good mood. I want, he says, to award you with an order in honor of the 50th anniversary, but they assure me that it is impossible - you don’t have any award, not even a medal! I say: “There is a medal - gold, for school!” Made him laugh until he cried. Nevertheless, he awarded me the Order of Merit for the Fatherland. And then suddenly: “I want to ask you... I’m undergoing surgery, Viktor Stepanovich, according to the Constitution, will lead the country for a while, what if something happens to me? I want you to accept the post of Secretary of the Security Council and help Viktor Stepanovich and Anatoly Borisovich (Chubais, then head of the Presidential Administration. - "MK") hold the country."
Boris Berezovsky
- Berezovsky did not participate in this appointment?
No participation! What should I hide now? Yeltsin said that the generals advised me to him, and offered to also be the plenipotentiary representative for Chechnya. Alexander Ivanovich Lebed (was secretary of the Security Council before Rybkin. - "MK") there was no anger against me, because I didn’t ask, and even Zyuganov, when asked what he thought about my appointment, answered something like “I didn’t get a ticket to Sochi!”
And a week later, when I was selecting deputies, Viktor Stepanovich suddenly calls. Without large capital, he says, Chechnya cannot be raised. I already flew there and agreed with him. “I’m visiting Potanin (Vladimir, in the fall of 1996 - first deputy prime minister. - "MK") took from these bankers,” continues Viktor Stepanovich, “and you will have to take Berezovsky as your deputy.” I was surprised: “Does he want it?” “Wow,” said Chernomyrdin...
I asked Boris: isn’t he afraid to get into this mess? No, he says. I immediately said that then all the capital would have to be transferred to trust management. He assured that there was not much on him. By the way, Roman Arkadyevich (Abramovich - “MK”) settled with him in full, the only one of all, perhaps, in vain he sued him later... And I also say: “If there is another citizenship somewhere, residence permits... .” The special services had already placed a piece of paper under my elbow, I knew everything - he had a US green card. He said that the issue was being resolved.
And we began to fly with him to Chechnya. He was really helpful.
- But who is he to you? Friend, patron, sponsor, evil genius?
Firstly, a fellow soldier. All of us who went through a difficult road in Chechnya are still friends and meet each other. Boris, until he left, came to our meetings and then always called. But we had very different views on life in many key areas.
I remember Boris was the first to come to my dacha in Barvikha in 1999 with this variation on the theme of a successor...
- This is when Stepashin was still prime minister?
Yes. Somewhere at the end of June. Overexcited, apparently, had just convinced someone. The argumentation is well-honed, I feel it. He speaks and speaks passionately... I ask: “Why is Stepashin not suitable?” - “Lethargic, neither fish nor fowl.” In vain, I say, Sergei has a core. I feel like they've already decided almost everything. But I tell him: “You probably don’t fully understand what’s happening. Now money has begun to appear, and there are opportunities to boost our industry and agriculture; for this we need a powerful business executive. We need delicate work on debugging, dismantling, replacing, but Vladimir Vladimirovich has other preparation - addresses, passwords, appearances. And these guys will get a taste for power and will act primarily by force!” He listened to me and said: “But Chubais and you, Ivan Petrovich, are against it!” I say: “It’s not that I’m against it - it will be hard for him!” And he assures: “There will be a team, we will be there.” I even told him: “Do you want to manage? It's useless!"
And it didn’t work out for me! The media sometimes, as if accidentally, called Berezovsky the Secretary of the Security Council, and Rybkin, they say, is his errand boy. But he knew that this was far from true!
And now Vladimir Vladimirovich would gladly run away from all his worries, but they won’t let him go. In general, I have excellent human relations with him.
- When was the last time you saw each other?
Formally, at Boris Nikolaevich’s 80th birthday at the Bolshoi Theater, he said hello to everyone, I was sitting next to him. And we talked a long time ago, when he was preparing for the presidency, about the problems of Chechnya, in detail and for a long time, we also drank tea, just like with you. I can’t say that he was in a bloodthirsty mood then. Basayev’s troops entered Dagestan - everyone would have done the same as he did: knocked them out of there...
“Five people in the country receive such a pension”
- You baptized Berezovsky’s son, Gleb. Do you currently maintain a relationship with him?
Maybe we'll meet someday. The last time I saw my godson was somewhere in 2009, or something, the same time as Boris. I was in Europe and flew to see him in London. He was kind of disheveled, Boris... He was a very cheerful man and he loved Anna Alexandrovna, his mother, so much that he could not voluntarily pass away from life, and leave her, at more than 90 years old. No one can convince me of this! When they say that financial troubles are complete nonsense, there was quite enough money there to continue living!
But I noticed that he began to smoke. Got fat. I told him: “You’re not looking after yourself!” He promised to quit smoking, but I didn’t really believe it...
By the way, they told me that when this situation with Ukraine happened in 2004, they were even afraid for Gleb: he almost climbed into the TV and was terribly worried.
FROM THE MK DOSSIER
On February 5, 2004, Ivan Rybkin, who declared his intention to become a presidential candidate, disappeared. On February 8, his wife reported to the police. On February 10, already registered presidential candidate Ivan Rybkin showed up in Kyiv, but did not seriously want to explain himself. He immediately withdrew from the elections.
Until now, the events of those days are a mystery. There are several versions of what happened. Rybkin himself said later that he was lured to Kyiv under a far-fetched pretext, and suspected that some special means would be used against him.
But there is a version that the creator of this situation is Berezovsky. He allegedly wanted to kill you for the sake of political destabilization in Russia...
I've heard different versions. The situation, apparently, was really very difficult. I only went for 2 days, to a routine peace meeting - but confidential. I don’t believe that Boris wished me harm! Maybe someone else?.. They scolded me - they say I didn’t tell my wife. But I really very often did not tell my wife where I was going. And Boris Nikolaevich, as Naina Iosifovna said, was also like this: he left in the morning, and then - one time, he says, I turn on the TV, and he’s in Chechnya!
- How were you persuaded to become a presidential candidate in 2004?
I was persuaded for a long time, not only by Boris, but by about ten other people, and I couldn’t stand it: I decided to go and say that extinguishing competition in the economy will lead to extinguishing competition in politics, and this is very bad for our young democracy. It will be dreary, the landscape will be monotonous. Tundra! I decided to go, declare my position, and then withdraw my candidacy. Because in this situation, it would be more correct for Vladimir Vladimirovich to serve another term. He has already figured out some things, why put a spoke in his wheels?
In the 2000s, Berezovsky emigrated and became the personification of evil. Has your relationship with him affected your career?
Certainly. Everyone immediately began to resolutely dissociate themselves from him; those who pecked a grain from his palm sat with him all the time. But I can’t give up on people so easily, especially if I went through difficult trials with them. There was the shooting of the White House - so now many people from Zyuganov’s faction come to me and talk for 10-12 hours! Only because we were there together.
- You are not involved in active politics now...
I keep an eye on everything. And they come to me often. Advisors, assistants to Vladimir Vladimirovich... Arkady Volsky (head of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, died in 2006) was buried. "MK"), stood in the guard of honor, then two of his assistants came up to me - can we come to you? They offered him the position of Deputy Prime Minister. But I told them: then you should allow me to assemble a team of professionals, not those who work at sawing, this is a shame, because even in retirement we are paid such money, my God!
- So you can live on your pension?
I guess, yes.
- More than 100 thousand?
I get well, I won’t even talk about numbers. It's enough for me. Probably 5-7 people in the country receive this. Plus the professor's earnings...
“Well, let me choose as necessary!”
- Aren’t you going to the elections in 2016?
Yes, somehow I’m not going to, I don’t feel much passion. I then spent a little time as an ordinary deputy and realized that you couldn’t influence anything in that capacity.
- Do you often come to the Duma?
I am guided by a simple rule: “Never return to those places where you had a good time.” And it’s a sin for me to be offended by my followers: they always invite me to different events. Here is the watch I’m wearing - a gift from Boris Vyacheslavovich Gryzlov...
I try not to criticize the Duma - people act in specific conditions. But now I tell them: you are deprived of representation because you distorted the elections, your face does not look like our people. This is especially clearly visible in the Moscow City Duma. Of the 35 deputies, only 3 are communists, the rest are United Russia members. Last fall in Moscow they decided to try how it really is - and a largely random person named Navalny gets more than 27 percent of the votes! But these sentiments are not represented in the Duma at all!
And corruption primarily stems from the corruption of elections. Well, let me choose as it should! Yes, there may be mistakes, but many interesting people will appear. It’s normal when the Duma of any level speaks the language of the people, even shouts and swears... And it’s also a good idea to return the “against everyone” column - Navalny’s half of the votes will most likely go there...
If in advance mode, then yes. It seems to me that he has not matured as a politician.
- You try not to criticize, but you criticize...
I don’t like it when over and over again the Duma, the Federation Council, and the judiciary give and give powers to the president. The president does not use these powers - officials around him begin to use them. And once they pass the law, first the smartest ones start laughing, and then everyone starts laughing. There is a saying: don't make a splash while it's quiet! Why was it necessary to touch the gay community? Well, my God, who had any idea about this? Well, the army, places of detention, ladies crazy with money, a pop party... Well, guys! Well, don't! Seemingly enlightened people are beginning to speak in some kind of weird language from the times of the Ochakovskys and the conquest of the Crimea! They invade where they don't need to...
I travel around the regions, sometimes they invite me to perform. After all, beyond Moscow there is a completely different life! Boris Nikolayevich clearly understood that it was impossible to rule such a community as Russia from one center. Well, we need to slowly taxi out!
Ivan Rybkin is determined to fight against the “imperious dullness.”
Photo by Alexander Shalgin (NG photo)
Five questions for Ivan Rybkin
I. Why are you against Vladimir Putin?
I am against Vladimir Putin because he is not a master of his word. For four years, he has not fulfilled a single promise that he made when he was elected to the post of head of state. Putin is returning the country to the path that already destroyed the USSR and is now destroying Russia.
Where is the quick victory in Chechnya, the promise of which brought Putin to the Kremlin? It does not exist and cannot exist: national problems cannot be solved by force. There are thousands of killed Russians and Chechens, hundreds of thousands of war-torn destinies. The number of victims of the new Chechen war is already greater than in the first adventure of 1994–1996.
Where is the greatness and national dignity of Russia? Is it really in the cries of notorious Kremlin buffoons or in the ravings of militant nationalists? It is exchanged like small coin for Putin’s self-affirmation in the so-called club of the powerful. In Central Asia, the Caucasus, and Transnistria, millions of Russians are left to the mercy of fate. Amid loud statements about the inviolability of borders, Kaliningrad is cut off from the country. Few people in the world are interested in Russia's opinion.
Where is the updated army? Soldiers and officers are in poverty.
Where is the freedom and justice, the “dictatorship of law” that Putin loves to talk about? There is none of them. There are, on the one hand, poor, powerless people, on the other, fattening officials and oligarchs divided into loved and unloved. The recently acquired freedom of speech, freedom to choose power, freedom of political and economic competition are being destroyed. The authorities defame their opponents and expose them as criminals. Blackmail, murder, and exile became the main weapons in the fight against independent, free people. Last year, Russia became the world leader in the number of citizens forced to humiliate themselves and ask for political asylum in other countries. There are tens of thousands of them. Puppet television talks about the fight against corruption and crime, but in reality the country is being overwhelmed by extortions from officials and terror.
Where is the promised economic prosperity? Why are petrodollars flowing into Russia, and the number of poor people is growing rapidly? Why do people freeze from the cold in winter in a country rich in energy resources? Why is the level of education in the country catastrophically falling? Why are there more and more sick people who have lost their last hope for medical help? Amid loud statements about economic growth, Russia continues to rapidly die out. The showcases of Russian capitalism – Moscow and St. Petersburg – are becoming increasingly disconnected from the life of the rest of Russia.
Where is the revival of Russian statehood? Her heart was pierced by Putin’s “vertical of power.” The Federation Council, an institution for coordinating the key political and economic interests of Russian regions, has been destroyed. The State Duma has ceased to be the spokesman of the will of the people. The courts have been turned into an appendage of the executive branch. Independent media have been liquidated. The FSB, the prosecutor's office, the Ministry of Internal Affairs are doing arbitrariness.
All these years the very right to life has been trampled underfoot. What can we say about other constitutional rights and freedoms? “You can’t live like that,” said one director. I will add: I don’t want to live like this. I don’t want the domineering dullness to continue to turn the country, my and your hopes, my and your lives into dust.
Rybkin's list: top ten. Of the proposed appointments to major government positions
II. What are the main ideological and political views of Ivan Rybkin?
Faith, education and work are the foundations of the spiritual revival of the nation and the freedom of Russian citizens.
The state is for the person, not the person for the state.
Freedom to choose for yourself, not decisions from above.
Freedom of the regions, not the dictatorship of the Center.
Restoring and expanding Russia's influence in the world for the purpose of economic and political gain.
III. What obligations does Ivan Rybkin take?
(The provisions of this section, which have an exact chronological reference, are summarized for clarity in Table 1. - “NG”.)
All economic reforms will be exclusively market in nature. Socially oriented projects will have an advantage over others.
Russia's foreign policy will be based on two main principles: Russia's interests are higher than the interests of any other country; control without grip instead of grip without control. The main foreign policy task is to restore and expand influence throughout the post-Soviet space. Russia will become a home for residents of the entire former Union.
IV. How will Ivan Rybkin fulfill his obligations?
“Personnel decides everything!” Therefore, this question can only be answered by presenting to voters the leaders of the main government institutions and state monopolies, whom President Ivan Rybkin will recommend and support.
(The list of candidates for the most important government positions is presented in Table 2. - “NG”.)
V. Guarantees of fulfillment of obligations by Ivan Rybkin
Only the restoration of the Constitution of the Russian Federation can serve as a guarantee of fulfillment of the obligations of the President of the Russian Federation.
Therefore, the guarantor of the fulfillment of the president’s obligations can only be the will of the people of Russia to strict observance of the Constitution of the Russian Federation by the president.
What and when does Ivan Rybkin undertake to do if elected President of Russia? |
||
| Deadlines | Problems | Contents of obligations |
| 14.09.2004 | War in Chechnya | The civil war in Russia will end. Chechnya will remain part of the Russian Federation within a single economic and defense space. Over the next 4 years, all those injured as a result of hostilities will receive compensation |
| 2004 – 2008 | Health and education | During 2004 – 2008 the state treasury will provide full funding for a decent (not lower than Soviet) level of medical care and the opportunity for every citizen of Russia to receive secondary and higher education |
| 01.01.2005 | Capital amnesty | A complete amnesty will be completed for initially accumulated capital - from small businesses to the largest national corporations. This will draw a line under the revolutionary stage of Russia's development. All illegally expropriated during 2000 – 2004. the property will be returned to the previous owners |
| 01.09.2004 | Freedom of the media | The work of media independent from the state will be restored |
| 01.09.2004 | Council of the Federation | The Federation Council of the Russian Federation will be restored to its previous configuration (89 heads of constituent entities and 89 heads of legislative assemblies) in full accordance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation |
| 01.09.2004 | Administrative division | Unconstitutional federal districts will be abolished |
| 01.09.2004 | Status of heads of subjects of the Federation | The unconstitutional norm allowing the president to remove popularly elected heads of subjects of the Federation will be abolished |
| 01.09.2004 | Civilian control over security forces | Civilian control will be established over all security forces of the Russian Federation, and above all over the FSB, the structures of the General Prosecutor's Office and the Ministry of Internal Affairs |
table 2
Candidates for the most important government positions who will be recommended and supported by President Ivan Rybkin: |
|
| Chairman of the Government | E.E. Rossel |
| First Deputy Prime Minister of the Government | IN AND. Ishaev |
| Head of the Presidential Administration | A.M. Tuleyev |
| Chairman of the State Duma | Yu.M. Luzhkov |
| Chairman of the Federation Council | M.Sh. Shaimiev |
| Secretary of the Security Council | G.A. Zyuganov |
| Commissioner for Human Rights | S.A. Kovalev |
| Minister of Defense | B.V. Gromov |
| Minister of Internal Affairs | S.K. Shoigu |
| Director of the FSB | S.V. Stepashin |
| Foreign Secretary | G.A. Yavlinsky |
| Prosecutor General | N.V. Fedorov |
| Minister of Finance | A.N. Illarionov |
| Chairman of the Central Bank | V.V. Gerashchenko |
| Minister of Justice | S.A. Pashin |
| Minister for Civil Defense, Emergency Situations and Disaster Relief | G.N. Troshev |
| Minister of education | Yu.A. Ryzhov |
| Minister of Health | L.M. Roshal |
| Minister of Energy | M.B. Khodorkovsky |
| Minister of Labor and Social Development | K.A. Titov |
| Minister of Nationalities | R.S. Aushev |
| Minister of Economic Development and Trade | E.G. Yasin |
| Minister for Press, Television and Radio Broadcasting and Mass Communications | I.E. Malashenko |
| Minister of Agriculture | A.N. Tkachev |
| Minister of Industry, Science and Technology | K.A. Bendukidze |
| Minister of Culture | O.P. Tabakov |
| Minister of Communications and Information | V.P. Yevtushenkov |
| Minister of Transport | S.O. Franc |
| Chairman of the Board of Gazprom | V.S. Chernomyrdin |
| Chairman of the Board of RAO ⌠UES■ | A.G. Khloponin |
| Chairman of the Board of RAO ⌠RZD■ | A.S. Voloshin |
| Chairman of the Accounts Chamber | S.Yu. Glazyev |
