MOSCOW, October 4 - RIA Novosti. The October 1993 putsch was not accidental - it was being prepared for two years and ultimately killed people's confidence in the authorities, says Sergei Filatov, president of the Foundation for Social, Economic and Intellectual Programs, former head of the Yeltsin administration.
Twenty years ago, on October 3-4, 1993, clashes broke out in Moscow between supporters of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and Russian President Boris Yeltsin (1991-1999). The confrontation between the two branches of Russian power, which lasted since the collapse of the USSR - the executive, represented by Russian President Boris Yeltsin, and the legislative, represented by the parliament - the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Council) of the RSFSR, headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, around the pace of reforms and methods of building a new state on October 3-4, 1993 into an armed conflict and ended with a tank shelling of the residence of the parliament - the House of Soviets (the White House).
Chronicle of the events of the political crisis in autumn 1993 in RussiaTwenty years ago, in early October 1993, tragic events took place in Moscow that ended with the storming of the building of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the abolition of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet in Russia.The tension was building
"What happened on October 3-4, 1993, was not predetermined by one day. It was an event that was going on for two years. For two years, the tension was growing. And if you trace at least the congresses of people's deputies, it becomes clear that it was a targeted struggle on the part of the Supreme Council against the reforms carried out by the government, "Filatov said at a multimedia round table on the topic:" October 1993 putsch. Twenty years later ... ", which took place in RIA Novosti on Friday.
According to him, the two top officials of the state - Boris Yeltsin and the head of the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Soviet) of the RSFSR Ruslan Khasbulatov - failed to enter the "normal path of relations." Moreover, "absolute and deep mistrust" arose between the two top officials, he added.
Political scientist Leonid Polyakov agreed with this opinion.
"In fact, the 1993 putsch is a postponed GKChP of 1991. In 1991 these people, seeing hundreds of thousands of Muscovites who surrounded the White House, the leaders of the GKChP simply, as they say, were afraid. At first, they themselves frightened, bringing tanks to the capital. , and then they themselves were afraid of what they had done. But the forces that stood behind it, and the people who sincerely believed in what was destroyed in August 1991, they did not disappear. And two years followed, the most difficult, the hardest in our history, which fell on the collapse of the USSR and the disappearance of the state ... By October 1993, this explosive potential has accumulated, "- said Polyakov.
conclusions
Conclusions from the events of 1993, according to Filatov, can be made both positive and negative.
“The fact that we have eliminated the dual power is positive, the fact that we have adopted the Constitution is positive. And the fact that we actually killed people's trust in the authorities and this continued for all the other 20 years is an obvious fact, which we have restored to this day. we cannot, "he said.
In turn, the political scientist Polyakov expressed the hope that the events of 1993 were "the last Russian revolution."
Film about the events of 1993
During the round table, a film about the events of October 1993, filmed by RIA Novosti specialists in a web documentary format, was presented, which received worldwide recognition due to the fact that the viewer has the ability to interact with the content and has greater freedom of action than the viewer of a plot with a linear form of narration. where the course of the story is predetermined by the director. This is the third RIA Novosti film in 2013 in an interactive format.
“For each of the participants in these events, it was a part of his life, a part of his inner history. And it is about these people that we wanted to tell in our film, an interactive video; to make it possible for them to see through their eyes, through their emotions, through their memories those difficult days. Because now it seems to be some rather distant and somewhat unusual event in our country. I really hope that it will continue to be so, because the tanks firing from the embankment at the White House is an absolutely terrible sight. And, probably, for every Muscovite and every resident of Russia it was something absolutely incredible ", - Ilya Lazarev, deputy editor-in-chief of RIA Novosti, shared his memories.
The film contains photographs of people whom RIA Novosti later found and who told about their memories of those events.
“We brought the photographs to life and tried to bring some episodes of the video into our present time ... Our colleagues, directors have been working on this format for three months - this is a very difficult story. You can watch the film episodically, linearly, but main story and the task is to do so in order to immerse yourself in this atmosphere, draw your own conclusions, or rather just get to know people who have experienced this story and passed it through themselves, "Lazarev added.
As a result of the tragic events of October 3-4, 1993 in Moscow, the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation were liquidated. Prior to the election of the Federal Assembly and the adoption of the new Constitution, direct presidential rule was established in the Russian Federation. By the decree of October 7, 1993 "On legal regulation during the period of stage-by-stage constitutional reform in the Russian Federation", the President established that prior to the start of the work of the Federal Assembly, issues of a budgetary and financial nature, land reform, property, civil service and social employment of the population, previously decided by the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation , are now carried out by the President of the Russian Federation. By another decree of October 7 "On the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation" the president actually abolished this body. Boris Yeltsin also issued a number of decrees terminating the activities of the representative bodies of power of the subjects of the Federation and local Soviets.
On December 12, 1993, a new Constitution of Russia was adopted, in which such a body of state power as the Congress of People's Deputies was no longer mentioned.
The October putsch (shooting of the White House) is an internal political conflict in the Russian Federation in September-October 1993, which occurred as a result of the constitutional crisis in the country that arose after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
The October putsch went down in history as one of the most violent and brutal coups in modern history. The riots that took place on the streets of Moscow with the participation of the armed forces took the lives of many people, and even more were wounded. The October putsch is also known as the "shooting of the White House" because of the incident of the armed assault on the White House (where the government sat) using tanks and heavy equipment.
The reasons for the putsch. Confrontation of political forces
The October putsch was the result of a prolonged crisis in power, which had been dragging on since 1992 and was associated with the confrontation between the old government, which remained from the times of the USSR, and the new one. The new government was headed by President Boris Yeltsin (who seized power as a result of the August 1991 putsch), who was a supporter of complete separation (later of the Russian Federation) from the USSR and the destruction of all remnants of the Soviet system of government. Yeltsin was supported by the government headed by Chernomyrdin, part of the people's deputies and members of the Supreme Soviet. On the other side of the barricades were opponents of Yeltsin's political and economic reforms. This side was supported by the bulk of the members of the Supreme Soviet, headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, as well as Vice President Alexander Rutskoi.
Yeltsin did not suit all members of the government. In addition, the reforms that Yeltsin carried out in his early years as president raised a lot of questions and, according to some, only exacerbated the crisis that reigned in the country. The unresolved issue with the Constitution of the Russian Federation also complicated the situation. As a result, dissatisfaction with the actions of the new government grew to the point that a special council was convened at which it was planned to decide the question of confidence in the president and the Supreme Soviet, since conflicts within the government only exacerbated the situation in the country.
The course of the October putsch
On September 21, Boris Yeltsin issued the famous "decree 1400", by which he announced the decision to dissolve the Supreme Soviet and the Congress of People's Deputies. However, this decision contradicted the Constitution in force at that time, therefore, legally, Boris Yeltsin was automatically removed from the post of President of the Russian Federation. Despite this, Yeltsin continued to serve as president, oblivious to his legal status and government discontent.
On the same day, the Supreme Soviet met and, together with the Congress of People's Deputies, ascertained the violation of the Constitution and declared Yeltsin's actions a coup d'etat. Yeltsin did not listen to these arguments and continued to pursue his policy.
On September 22, the Supreme Soviet continued to work. In place of Yeltsin, Rutskoi was installed, who overturned the former president's decision to dissolve the Supreme Soviet. An extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies was convened, at which a decision was made on a number of dismissals of representatives of the "Yeltsin" cabinet of ministers. Amendments to the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation were adopted, which provided for criminal liability for a coup d'etat.
On September 23, the Supreme Soviet continued its meeting, and Yeltsin, despite his status, issued a decree on early presidential elections. On the same day, an attack took place on the building of the united command of the CIS Armed Forces. The military began to be involved in the coup, and the strengthening of control began.
On September 24, the Deputy Minister of Defense presented the members of the Supreme Soviet with an ultimatum, according to which they must surrender all weapons, close the Congress and leave the building. Then the deputies were forbidden to leave the White House building (ostensibly for their safety).
From that moment on, the situation began to deteriorate. Both sides began to erect barricades, rallies and armed clashes did not stop on the streets of Moscow, but the Supreme Council continued its meetings, refusing to leave the building.
On October 1, under the patronage of Patriarch Alexei II, negotiations were held between the parties, as a result of which, on October 2, the parties began to remove the barricades set up. However, a little later, the Supreme Soviet announced its rejection of the agreement reached. The building of the White House was again cut off from electricity and began to be surrounded by barricades, and negotiations were postponed to October 3, but due to numerous rallies in the city, negotiations did not take place.
On October 4, a tank assault on the White House building took place, during which many deputies were killed and wounded.
Results and significance of the October putsch
Assessments of the October coup are mixed. Someone thinks that Yeltsin's government seized power by force and destroyed the Supreme Soviet, someone says that Yeltsin was forced to take such measures because of the ongoing conflicts. As a result of the coup d'état in September-October 1993, the Russian Federation finally got rid of the legacy of the USSR, completely changed the management system and finally turned into a presidential republic.
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Today is a tragic date in Russian history: the 19th anniversary of the mass destruction of the defenders of the White House
Tonight, three streets in the center of Moscow, adjacent to the White House, will be blocked for traffic. And there will surely be drivers who will be very unhappy with this, literally speaking. Again, they say, they are holding a meeting - it would be better to do something ...
But the reason for the mass "festivities" (by the way, very modest in size: the authorities allowed two public actions with a maximum number of 1000 and 300 people, respectively) is still special. These rallies are timed to coincide with the 19th anniversary of the events that took place in Moscow in September-October 1993. Events that, without any exaggeration, determined the entire further course of Russian history.
Meanwhile, these events remain one of the least studied pages of our history. Television and the central press annually confine themselves to reading off official certificates and short news stories. Most of the documents that could shed light on what actually happened are still classified. Moreover, many of the documents appear to have already been destroyed. And after 19 years we do not even know how many lives of our fellow tribesmen were taken by that "black October".
True, relatively recently (on the 16th anniversary of those tragic events), historian Valery Shevchenko prepared, in fact, the first study that systematized the scattered media publications of those years and eyewitness accounts. And from the picture that appeared in the end, the hair, as they say, stands on end. The full text of his work "Forgotten Victims of October 1993" can be found on the Internet. We will reproduce only some excerpts.
“September 21 - October 5, 1993,” the historian writes, “the tragic events of modern Russian history took place: the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of Russia by presidential decree No. 1400, in violation of the Constitution in force at that time, an almost two-week confrontation that ended in mass shootings defenders of the Supreme Soviet on October 3-5 at the television center in Ostankino and in the White House area. More than 15 years have passed since those memorable days, but still remains unanswered main question - how many human lives were claimed by the October tragedy.
The official list of the dead, announced by the General Prosecutor's Office of Russia, includes 147 people: in Ostankino - 45 civilians and 1 serviceman, in the "White House area" - 77 civilians and 24 servicemen of the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Internal Affairs ...
The list, compiled on the basis of parliamentary hearings in the State Duma of Russia on October 31, 1995, includes 160 names. Of the 160 people, 45 were killed in the vicinity of the Ostankino television center, 75 were in the White House area, 12 were “citizens who died in other districts of Moscow and the Moscow region,” 28 were servicemen and Interior Ministry officers who died. Moreover, the 12 "citizens who died in other districts of Moscow and the Moscow region" included Pavel Vladimirovich Alferov with the indication "burned down on the 13th floor of the House of Soviets" and Vasily Anatolyevich Tarasov, who, according to relatives, participated in the protection of the Supreme Council and was missing.
But in the list published in the collection of documents of the State Duma Commission for Additional Study and Analysis of the Events that took place in Moscow on September 21 - October 5, 1993, which worked from May 28, 1998 to December 1999, only 158 dead were named. P.V. was deleted from the list. Alferov and V.A. Tarasova. Meanwhile, the commission's conclusion stated: "According to a rough estimate, in the events of September 21 - October 5, 1993, about 200 people were killed or died from their wounds."
The published lists, even at a superficial examination, raise a number of questions. Of the 122 civilians officially recognized as dead, only 17 are residents of other regions of Russia and neighboring countries, the rest, not counting a few dead citizens from far abroad, are residents of the Moscow region. It is known that a lot of nonresident people came to defend the parliament, including from rallies, at which lists of volunteers were drawn up. But loners prevailed, some of them came to Moscow behind the scenes ...
Many Muscovites and residents of the Moscow region, who remained at the parliament building behind the barbed wire during the days of the blockade, after its breakthrough on October 3, went home to spend the night. The nonresidents had nowhere to go. The defender of the parliament Vladimir Glinsky recalls: "In my squad, which kept a barricade on the Kalininsky bridge near the mayor's office, there were only 30 percent of Muscovites. And by the morning of October 4 there were even less of them, because many went home to spend the night." In addition, other newcomers joined the defenders of the House of Soviets with a breakthrough. Deputy of the Supreme Council, surgeon N.G. Grigoriev recorded the arrival at the parliament building at 22:15 on October 3 of a civil column, consisting mainly of middle-aged men ...
In order to establish the true number of those killed in the House of Soviets, continues Valery Shevchenko, it is necessary to know how many people were there during his assault on October 4, 1993. Some researchers claim that at that time there were a maximum of 2,500 people in the parliament building. But if it is still possible to determine the relatively exact number of people who were in and around the White House before the blockade was broken, then difficulties arise in relation to October 4.
Svetlana Timofeevna Sinyavskaya was in charge of distributing food coupons for people who were in the defense ring of the House of Soviets. Svetlana Timofeevna testifies that before the blockade was broken, coupons were issued for 4362 people. However, the defender of parliament from the 11th detachment, which consisted of 25 people, told the author of these lines that their detachment did not receive coupons.
When asked how many people were in and around the White House in the early morning of October 4, only a rough answer can be given. As a defender of the parliament who came from Tyumen testifies, on the night of October 3-4, many people, more than a thousand, slept in the basement of the House of Soviets. According to P.Yu. Bobryashov, no more than a thousand people remained on the square, mostly around bonfires and tents. According to ecologist M.R. about 1,500 people were scattered in small groups across the square in front of the White House. "
Thus, the following picture is obtained: about 5,000 people were inside the White House on the night of October 4, 1993, and another 1000-1500 were in the street around the building of the Supreme Soviet. And so the "valiant" government troops (the order was given by the then Defense Minister Pavel Grachev) began to storm the building and shell it from tank guns. Here is what Valery Shevchenko writes further:
“When the shelling of the square began, many people fleeing the massive fire of armored personnel carriers took refuge in the basement-refuge of a two-story building located not far from the House of Soviets. According to the military journalist I.V. Varfolomeev, up to 1,500 people were crammed into the bunker. The same number of people gathered in the bunker is named by Marina Nikolaevna Rostovskaya. Then they crossed the underground passage to the parliament building. Many people were taken to different floors. According to Moscow businessman Andrey (name has been changed), some of the women and children taken out of the dungeon were taken to the fourth floor of the House of Soviets. “They began to take us up the stairs, to the third, fourth, fifth floors into the corridors,” recalled Alexander Strakhov. Another eyewitness testifies that 800 people who left the basement were captured in the lobby of the 20th entrance to the paratroopers of the 119th Naro-Fominsk regiment and at about 14:30 were "released." A group of 300 people, which the paratroopers sent to the basement during the intensification of the shelling, left the parliament building at 15:00.
Deputies, staff of the apparatus, journalists and many unarmed defenders of the parliament gathered in the hall of the Council of Nationalities. From time to time there were proposals to remove women, children and journalists from the building. The list of journalists to be taken outside the House of Soviets consisted of 103 names. There were about 2,000 deputies, staff members, civilians (including refugees in the hall).
It remains unclear how many people were on the upper (above the seventh) floors of the White House during the assault. It should be noted that in the first hours of the assault, people were primarily afraid of the seizure of the lower floors by special forces. In addition, some of them survived the APC attack. Many, when the intense shelling began, climbed to the upper floors, "because it seemed that it was safer there." This is evidenced by the captain of the 3rd rank Sergei Mozgovoy and professor of the Russian State University of Trade and Economics Marat Mazitovich Musin (published under the pseudonym Ivan Ivanov). But it was precisely on the upper floors that tanks were fired, which significantly reduced the chances of survival for the people who were there ...
During the day, despite the ongoing shelling, people broke into the parliament building. “And already, when there was no hope,” the deputy V.I. Kotelnikov, - 200 people broke through to us: men, women, girls, teenagers, in fact, children, schoolchildren of the eighth-tenth grades, several Suvorovites. When they ran, they were shot in the back. The dead fell, leaving bloody footprints on the asphalt, the living continued to run. "
Thus, Shevchenko concludes, many hundreds of mostly unarmed people ended up in the House of Soviets and in the immediate vicinity of it on October 4, 1993. And from about 6:40 in the morning, their mass destruction began.
The first casualties near the parliament appeared when the symbolic barricades of the defenders broke through the armored vehicles, opening fire to kill. Galina N testifies: “At 6:45 am on October 4, we were alerted. We ran out into the street sleepy and immediately came under machine-gun fire ... Then we lay on the ground for several hours, and ten meters from us armored vehicles were beating ... There were about three hundred of us. Few survived. And then we ran into the fourth entrance ... I saw on the street that those who moved on the ground were shot. "
“In front of our eyes, armored personnel carriers were shooting unarmed old women, young people who were in and around the tents,” recalled Lieutenant V.P. Shubochkin. “We saw a group of orderlies run to the wounded colonel, but two of them were killed. A few minutes later the sniper finished off the colonel as well. Deputy R.S. Mukhamadiev saw women in white coats running out of the parliament building. In their hands they held white handkerchiefs. But as soon as they bent down to help the blood-drenched man, they were cut off by the bullets of a large-caliber machine gun.
Journalist Irina Taneeva, not yet fully realizing that the assault was beginning, observed the following from the window of the House of Soviets: “People ran into the bus that was abandoned by the riot police on the eve of the previous day, climbed inside, hiding from the bullets. Three BMDs drove onto the bus from three sides at breakneck speed and shot him. The bus lit up with a candle. People tried to get out of there and immediately fell dead, struck by the dense fire of the BMD. Blood. Nearby "Zhiguli" cars, packed with people, were also shot and burned. All died. "
The execution went on from the side of Druzhinnikovskaya Street. People's Deputy of Russia A.M. Leontyev: “There were 6 armored personnel carriers standing in front of the White House, and between them and the White House behind barbed wire ... there were Cossacks from the Kuban — about 100 people. They were not armed. They were just in the form of Cossacks ... No more than 5-6 people from hundreds of Cossacks ran to the entrances, and the rest all perished.
According to the minimum estimate, several dozen people became victims of the attack of armored vehicles. According to Yevgeny O., there were many killed in the square from those who came to the barricades or lived in tents near the building of the Supreme Soviet. There were also young women among them. One lay with a face that had become a continuous bloody wound ...
In the parliament building itself, the death toll increased several times with each hour of the assault. The deputy from Chuvashia, surgeon N.G. Grigoriev at 7:45 am on October 4 went down to the first floor in the hall of the 20th entrance. “I drew attention,” he recalls, “to the fact that on the floor of the hall (and the hall was the largest in the House of Soviets) lay in rows more than fifty wounded, possibly killed, since the first two and a half rows of lying people were covered over the head. "
After a few hours, the assault on the dead increased markedly. In the transition from the 20th to the 8th entrance, more than 20 people were killed. According to the testimony of Moscow businessman Andrei (name has been changed), only in their sector there were about a hundred dead and seriously wounded.
“I left the reception room of the third floor and began to descend to the first,” testifies a person from A.V. Rutskoi. - On the ground floor - a terrible picture. All on the floor, side by side - killed ... There they piled mountains. Women, old people, two dead doctors in white coats. And the blood on the floor is half a glass high: it has nowhere to drain ”...
According to the artist Anatoly Leonidovich Nabatov, in the hall of the 8th entrance, from 100 to 200 corpses were piled up. Anatoly Leonidovich climbed to the 16th floor, saw corpses in the corridors, brains on the walls. On the 16th floor, he noticed a journalist who was coordinating the fire on the building by radio, reporting a crowd of people. Anatoly Leonidovich handed it over to the Cossacks.
After the events, the President of Kalmykia K.N. Ilyumzhinov said in an interview: “I saw that in the White House there were not 50 or 70 killed, but hundreds. At first they tried to collect them in one place, then they abandoned this idea: it was dangerous to move around once again. Most of them were random people - without weapons. By our arrival, there were more than 500 killed. By the end of the day, I think that figure had grown to a thousand. " R.S. In the midst of the assault, Mukhamadiev heard from his colleague a deputy, a professional doctor elected from the Murmansk region, the following: “Five rooms have already been filled with dead. And the wounded are innumerable. More than a hundred people are covered in blood. But we have nothing. There are no bandages, there is not even iodine ... ". The President of Ingushetia Ruslan Aushev told Stanislav Govorukhin on the evening of October 4 that 127 corpses were taken out of the White House during his time, but many still remained in the building.
The death toll was significantly increased by the shelling of the House of Soviets by tank shells. From the direct organizers and leaders of the shelling, one can hear that harmless blanks were fired at the building. For example, the former Minister of Defense of Russia P.S. Grachev stated the following: “We fired six blanks from one tank at the White House at one preselected window in order to force the conspirators to leave the building. We knew that there was no one outside the window. "
However, statements of this kind are completely refuted by the testimony. According to the correspondents of the Moscow News newspaper, at about 11:30 am, shells, apparently of cumulative action, pierce the White House through and through: from the opposite side of the building, simultaneously with the hit of the shell, 5-10 windows and thousands of sheets of stationery fly out.
Here are some testimonies of eyewitnesses to the death of people in the parliament building as a result of shells hitting it. Here is what, for example, the deputy V.I. said in an interview with the Omskoe Vremya newspaper (1993, No. 40). Kotelnikov: “At first, when I ran through the building with some task, the amount of blood, corpses, torn bodies was terrifying. Severed hands, heads. A shell hits, part of a person here, part - there ... And then you get used to it. You have a task, you have to complete it. " “When we were fired upon from tanks,” recalled another eyewitness, “I was on the sixth floor. There were many civilians here. We had no weapons. I thought that after the shelling, the soldiers would break into the building, and decided that I needed to find a pistol or a machine gun. He opened the door to the room where a shell had recently exploded. I was unable to login. There was a bloody mess. " Former police officer Y., who went over to the side of parliament, saw how shells in the offices of the House of Soviets "literally tore people apart." There were also many victims in the second entrance of the White House (one of the tank shells hit the basement) ...
In addition to the shelling of the parliament building from tanks, infantry fighting vehicles, armored personnel carriers, automatic and sniper fire, which lasted all day, both the direct defenders of parliament and citizens who accidentally found themselves in the combat zone were shot in and around the White House. Doctor Nikolai Burns assisted the wounded in a "medical battalion" near the city hall ("book"). Before his eyes, a riot policeman shot two boys aged 12-13.
According to one of the defensive officers who walked with other people from the bunker to the basement of the White House on the morning of October 4, "young boys and girls were seized and taken around the corner into one of the niches," then "short bursts of automatic weapons were heard from there." ON. Bryuzgina, who was helping the wounded in an impromptu "hospital" on the ground floor in the 20th entrance, later told O.A. Lebedev, that when the bursting military began to drag the wounded into the corridor, deaf sounds began to be heard from there. Nadezhda Alexandrovna, opening the toilet door slightly, saw that the entire floor there was covered in blood. The bodies of the people who had just been shot were lying there like a mountain. Engineer N. Misin on the morning of October 4 took refuge from the shooting together with other unarmed people in the basement of the House of Soviets. When the first floor of the 20th entrance was seized by the military, people were taken out of the basement and put in the lobby. The wounded were carried on stretchers to the guard duty room. After a while Misin was released to the toilet, where he saw the following picture: “There, neatly, in a pile, were lying corpses in a“ citizen ”. Looked closer: from above - those whom we carried out of the basement. Blood - ankle-deep ... An hour later, the corpses began to be carried out "...
Captain 1st rank V.K. Kashintsev: “At about 2:30 pm, a guy from the third floor, covered in blood, made his way to us, through sobs he squeezed out:“ Down there they open up the rooms with grenades and shoot everyone. He survived, because he was unconscious, apparently, was mistaken for a dead person. " One can only guess about the fate of most of the wounded left in the White House ...
Many people were shot or beaten to death after they left the White House. People who went out to “surrender” on the afternoon of October 4 from the 20th entrance witnessed how attack aircraft finished off the wounded. The deputy Yu.K. Chapkovsky young man in camouflage was attacked by riot police, began to beat, trample underfoot, then shot him.
They tried to drive those who left the side of the embankment through the courtyard and entrances of the house along Glubokoy Lane. “At the entrance where we were pushed,” recalls I.V. Savelyev, - it was full of people. FROM upper floors screams rang out. They searched everyone, tore off their jackets and coats - they looked for servicemen and policemen (those who were on the side of the defenders of the House of Soviets), they were immediately taken somewhere ... When we were shot, a policeman was wounded - the defender of the House of Soviets. Someone was shouting over the riot police's radio: “Don't shoot in the entrances! Who will remove the corpses ?! " The shooting did not stop in the street. " Another eyewitness testifies: “We were searched and transferred to the next entrance. The riot police stood in two rows and tortured us ... In the semi-dark corridor below, I saw half-naked people in bruises. Swearing, screams of the beaten, fumes. There is a crunch of broken bones. " Police Lieutenant Colonel Mikhail Vladimirovich Rutskoi saw three people stripped to the waist and immediately shot them from the entrance. He also heard the screams of a woman being raped.
The riot police were especially fierce in one of the entrances of this house. An eyewitness who miraculously survived recalls: “They lead me into the front door. There is light, and on the floor are corpses, naked to the waist. For some reason naked and for some reason waist-deep. " As established by Yu.P. Vlasov, everyone who got into the first entrance, was killed after torture, the women were stripped naked and raped by everyone in a crowd, then they were shot. A group of 60-70 civilians who left the White House after 19:00 were escorted along the embankment to Nikolaev Street and, leading them into the courtyards, brutally beaten and then finished off with machine gun fire. Four managed to run into the entrance of one of the houses, where they hid for about a day.
And again excerpts from the story of V.I. Kotelnikova: “We ran into the yard, a huge old yard, in a square. There were about 15 people in my group ... When we reached the last entrance, there were only three of us ... We ran to the attic - the doors there, fortunately, were broken open. We fell among the trash for some pipe and froze ... We decided to lie down. A curfew was declared, everything was cordoned off by OMON (OMON), and practically we were in their camp. There was shooting all night. When it was already daybreak, from half past five to half past seven we put ourselves in order ... We began to descend slowly. When I opened the door, I almost lost consciousness. The entire courtyard was strewn with corpses, not very often, like a checkerboard pattern. The corpses are all in some unusual positions: some are sitting, some on their side, some with a leg, some with a raised hand, and all are blue and yellow. I think what is unusual about this picture? And they are all naked, all naked. "
On the morning of October 5, local residents saw many killed in the courtyards. A few days after the events, the correspondent of the Italian newspaper L` Unione Sarda Vladimir Koval inspected these entrances. I found knocked out teeth and strands of hair, although, as he writes, "it seems to have been tidied up, even sprinkled with sand in some places."
A tragic fate befell many of those who left on the evening of October 4 from the Asmaral (Krasnaya Presnya) stadium located on the back side of the House of Soviets. On October 6, the media reported that, according to preliminary estimates, during the "voluntary surrender" during the final phase of the assault on the White House, about 1200 people were detained, of whom about 600 are at the Krasnaya Presnya stadium. Curfew violators were reported to be among the latter.
The shootings at the stadium began in the early evening of October 4. According to the residents of the houses adjacent to him, who saw how the detainees were shot, "this bloody bacchanalia continued all night." The first group was driven to concrete fence stadium submachine gunners in spotted camouflage. An armored personnel carrier drove up and slashed the prisoners with machine-gun fire. There, at dusk, the second group was shot ...
Alexander Alexandrovich Lapin, who was for three days, from the evening of October 4 to 7, at the stadium “on death row” testifies: “After the House of Soviets fell, its defenders were taken to the stadium wall. Separated were those who were in Cossack uniforms, militia, camouflage, military, who had any party documents. Who had nothing, like me ... they leaned against a tall tree ... And we saw how our comrades were shot in the back ... Then they drove us into the locker room ... We were kept for three days. No food, no water, most importantly, no tobacco. Twenty people "...
Yu.E. Petukhov, the father of Natasha Petukhova, who was shot on the night of October 3–4 in Ostankino, testifies: “Early in the morning of October 5, it was still dark, I drove up to the burning White House from the park side ... I approached the cordon of very young tankmen from photo of my Natasha, and they told me that there are many corpses in the stadium, there are also in the building and in the basement of the White House ... I returned to the stadium and entered it from the side of the monument to the victims of 1905. There were a lot of people shot at the stadium. Some of them were without shoes and belts, some were crushed. I was looking for my daughter and bypassed all the executed and tortured heroes "...
When the House of Soviets had not yet burned out, continues Valery Shevchenko, the authorities have already begun to falsify the number of those killed in the October tragedy. Late in the evening on October 4, 1993, an informational message went through the media: "Europe hopes that the number of victims will be minimized." The Kremlin heard the West's recommendation.
Early in the morning on October 5, 1993, the head of the presidential administration S.A. Filatov phoned B.N. Yeltsin. The following conversation took place between them:
Sergei Alexandrovich ... for your information, during all the days of the mutiny, 146 people were killed.
It is good that you said, Boris Nikolayevich, otherwise it felt like 700-1500 people were killed. The lists of the dead should be printed.
I agree. Arrange, please ...
How many dead were taken to the Moscow morgues on October 3-4? In the first days after the October massacre, employees of morgues and hospitals refused to answer the question about the death toll, citing an order from the head office. “For two days I called dozens of Moscow hospitals and morgues, trying to find out,” says Y. Igonin. - They answered openly: "We were forbidden to give out this information."
Moscow doctors claimed that as of October 12, 179 corpses of victims of the October massacre had been carried through Moscow morgues. Press secretary of GMUM I.F. On October 5, Nadezhdin, along with official data on 108 dead, excluding the corpses still in the White House, named another figure - about 450 dead, which needed to be clarified.
However, a considerable part of the corpses that entered the Moscow morgues soon disappeared from there. Doctor of the MMA Rescue Center THEM. Sechenova A.V. Dalnov, who worked during the assault in the parliament building, stated some time after the events: “Traces of the exact number of victims are being swept away. All materials up to 21.09-04.10.93 are classified and kept in the Center for Electromechanical Development. Some medical records of the injured and the dead are being rewritten, the dates of admission to morgues and hospitals are being changed. Some of the victims, in agreement with the leadership of the State Medical University, are transported to morgues in other cities. " According to Dalnov, the death toll is underestimated by at least an order of magnitude. On October 9, the coordinator of the medical team of the House of Soviets was contacted by I.F. Nadezhdin, offering to speak on television together with the doctors of the CEMP and the State Medical University of Moldova in order to reassure the public about the number of victims. Dalnov refused to participate in falsification ...
Starting from October 5 A.V. Dalnov and his colleagues visited hospitals and morgues of the Defense, Internal Affairs and State Security Ministries. They managed to find out that the corpses of the victims of the October tragedy, who were there, were not included in the official reports.
The same was said in the report of the Commission of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation for additional study and analysis of the events that took place in Moscow on September 21 - October 5, 1993: “Secret removal and burial of the corpses of those killed in the events of September 21 - October 5, 1993, about which was repeatedly reported in some print publications and mass media, if they did take place, they were produced ... perhaps through the morgues of other cities, some departmental morgues or some other structures associated with the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation "...
But in the building of the former parliament itself there were many corpses that did not even end up in the morgue. The doctors of Y. Kholkin's brigade testify: “We went through the entire database to the 7th (“ basement ”) floor ... But above the 7th, the military did not let us in, citing the fact that everything was on fire there and we could simply get poisoned with shots and shouts were heard. "
According to L.G. Proshkin, investigators of the General Prosecutor's Office were allowed into the building only on October 6. Before that, according to him, the internal troops and the Leningrad OMON were in charge there for several days. But in a personal conversation with I.I. Andronov Proshkin said that the investigators were allowed into the building later than in the evening of October 6, that is, only in the morning of October 7.
Investigative case No. 18 / 123669-93, which was conducted by the General Prosecutor's Office, indicated that no bodies of the victims were found in the White House itself. Prosecutor General V.G. Stepankov, who visited the building of the former parliament the day after the assault, stated: “The most difficult thing in the investigation of this case is the fact that on October 5 we did not find a single corpse in the White House. No one. Therefore, the investigation is deprived of the opportunity to fully establish the causes of death of each of those people who were taken away from the building before us. " A.I. Kazannik, appointed instead of Stepankov to the post of prosecutor general, also visited the building of the former parliament, saw the destruction, drew attention to the blood stains. In his visual assessment, the picture inside the White House did not correspond to rumors of "many thousands of victims" ...
The Chief Military Prosecutor's Office also conducted its own investigation. Moscow City Prosecutor G.S. Ponomarev, leaving the House of Soviets, said that the number of those killed there was in the hundreds.
How many people died during the storming of the House of Soviets, were shot at the stadium and in the courtyards, and how were their bodies taken out? On the first day, various sources gave figures from 200 to 600 who died during the assault. According to preliminary estimates of experts from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, there could be up to 300 corpses in the parliament building. "In those nooks and crannies of the White House, which I had to visit," said one soldier, "I counted 300 corpses." Another soldier heard talk "by some of the military that there were 415 corpses in the White House."
The correspondent of "Nezavisimaya Gazeta" learned from a confidential source that the number of victims inside the House of Soviets was in the hundreds. About 400 corpses from the upper floors, which were fired upon from tanks, disappeared under mysterious circumstances. According to the Interior Ministry officer, after the end of the assault on the White House, approximately 474 bodies of the dead were found there (without inspecting all the premises and dismantling the rubble). Many of them had multiple shrapnel damage. There were corpses affected by the fire. They are characterized by the "boxer" pose.
S.N. Baburin was told the death toll - 762 people. Another source named over 750 dead. Journalists of the newspaper "Argumenty i Fakty" found out that the soldiers and officers internal troops For several days, the remains of almost 800 of its defenders, "charred and torn by tank shells," were collected around the building. Among the dead, bodies were found and those who died in the flooded dungeons of the White House. According to the former deputy of the Supreme Council from the Chelyabinsk region A.S. Baronenko, about 900 people died in the House of Soviets.
According to some reports, up to 160 people were shot at the stadium. Moreover, until 2 am on October 5, they were shot in parties, after beating their victims. Local residents saw that about 100 people were shot just near the pool. According to Baronenko, about 300 people were shot at the stadium ...
How many human lives did the October tragedy claim? There is a list of the dead, in which 978 people are named by name (according to other sources - 981). Three different sources (in the Ministry of Defense, MB, Council of Ministers) told NEG correspondents about a certificate prepared only for the highest officials of Russia. The certificate, signed by three power ministers, indicated the death toll - 948 people (according to other sources, 1052). According to the informants, at first there was only a certificate from the MB, sent by V.S. Chernomyrdin. Then followed the instruction to make a consolidated document of all three ministries. The information was also confirmed by the former President of the USSR M.S. Gorbachev. “According to my information,” he said in an interview with “NEG”, “one Western TV company acquired for a certain amount a certificate prepared for the government, indicating the number of victims. But so far it will not be made public. "
Radio Liberty on October 7, 1993, when they had not yet examined all the premises in the House of Soviets, reported the death of 1,032 people. Employees of the institutions where the hidden statistics were kept called a figure of 1600 deaths. Internal statistics of the Ministry of Internal Affairs recorded 1,700 dead. On the 15th anniversary of the shooting of the parliament R.I. Khasbulatov, in an interview with MK journalist K. Novikov, said that a high-ranking police general swore and swore, calling the number of dead 1,500 people. At the same time, in an interview with the press service of the Moscow City Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Khasbulatov said: "As I was told by many, both military and police officials - many said - that the total number of deaths was somewhere even more than 2,000 people."
Today it can be argued that at least 1,000 people died in the tragic events of September-October 1993 in Moscow. How many more victims there were can only be shown by a special investigation at a high state level, ”concludes Valery Shevchenko. The authorities, however, do not intend to conduct such an investigation.
But just a few days ago, the head of the Kremlin administration, Sergei Ivanov, speaking on behalf of the highest Russian authorities at the World Russian People's Council, called for “restoring the continuity and continuity of Russian history, freeing it from myths and opportunistic assessments, embedding outstanding victories into the fabric of a single political canvas, and bitter defeats that set the country back decades. "
So what prevents to start with an investigation of the events of bloody October 1993? The souls of our lost brothers and sisters, who came to defend the lawful, supreme power of Russia at that time - the Supreme Soviet, appeal to this. Here is the text of the Testament of the unsuccessful defenders of the House of Soviets that has come down to us by chance:
“Brothers, when you read these lines, we will no longer be alive. Our bodies, shot through, will burn out within these walls. We appeal to you, who are fortunate enough to come out alive from this bloody slaughter.
We loved Russia. We wanted, that on this earth, finally, the order that God determined for it was restored. His name is conciliarity; within it, every person has equal rights and obligations, and no one is allowed to transgress the law, no matter what high rank he may be.
Of course, we were naive simpletons, we were punished for our gullibility, we are shot and eventually betrayed. We were just pawns in someone's well-thought-out game. But our spirit is not broken. Yes, dying is scary. However, something supports, someone invisible says: “You cleanse your soul with blood, and now Satan will not reach it. And when you die, you will be much stronger than the living. "
In our last moments, we are addressing you, citizens of Russia. Remember these days. Do not look away when our disfigured bodies are shown laughing on television. Remember everything and do not fall into the same traps that we fell into.
Forgive us. We also forgive those who were sent to kill us. They are not to blame ... But we do not forgive, we curse the demonic gang that has sat down on Russia's neck.
Don't let the great Orthodox faith be trampled underfoot, don't let Russia trample underfoot.
The events from September 21 to October 4, 1993, continue to be a hot, debated and often controversial topic. Today, researchers of the October putsch adhere to a variety of points of view on what happened, its causes and consequences, as well as the political essence and significance for the state and people. The official interpretation of events boils down to justifying the actions of Boris Yeltsin's supporters, as evidenced by the numerous awards and titles that his supporters have and criminal cases against opposition representatives.
The most obscure page of the Russian Federation cannot be assessed unambiguously. Today there are two fundamentally opposite opinions about the essence of the dispersal of the Supreme Soviet. Some believe that the president's actions can be regarded as a coup d'etat and a crime, while others consider him “the savior of Russian democracy” and the inspirer of economic and social reforms. One of the ways to clarify the historical situation is to study documents and make a legal assessment of events.
On September 21, 1993, Yeltsin issued decree No. 1400 "On gradual constitutional reform in the Russian Federation", which ordered the Supreme Soviet and the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (according to the Constitution, the highest body of state power in Russia) to cease their activities. The head of state suggested that the deputies return to work in the institutions where they worked before their election and take part in the elections to a new legislative body - the Federal Assembly. The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, assembled for an emergency session, decided that this decree violated the Russian Constitution in twelve places. And, according to the Constitution, this is the basis for the removal of President Boris Yeltsin from office. The Constitution clearly defined the competence of state bodies, including the Supreme Council and the President. The Congress of People's Deputies, in accordance with Chapter 13, was recognized as the highest organ of state power and was endowed with the right to repeal acts of both the Supreme Council (the country's legislative body) and the President (the head of state and the Council of Ministers). The legislative branch was personified by the Supreme Soviet. The frequency of its meetings was determined from 2 times a year, extraordinary convocations were also allowed on the initiative of the Presidium or the Chairman. The powers of the Supreme Soviet were quite broad.
Chapter 13/1 included provisions for the President of the Republic. Its competence was much narrower than in the current edition. Thus, the head of state possessed legislative initiative and was recognized as the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, endowed with the right of veto, but at the same time was obliged to report annually on the results of his work to parliament. In addition, the deputies had the right to demand an extraordinary report from the President, subject to certain requirements. However, the main instrument of influence on the head of state was the right of impeachment, which the people's representatives could put forward at the Congress on the basis of the conclusion of the Constitutional Court. The President did not have the right to dissolve the Supreme Soviet. It should be noted that from the legal point of view, Russia before the putsch and the adoption of the new Constitution should be called a parliamentary republic, since the predominance of power in the legislative assembly is evident from the analysis and comparison of Chapters 13 and 13/1. Article 121/6 explicitly prohibited the use of the president's powers to change the state system. When taking office, Boris Yeltsin took an oath of observance and protection of the norms of the Constitution, therefore, its provisions were obliged to respect.
At the same time, an unspoken conflict arose between the Chairman of the Supreme Council Ruslan Khasbulatov and President Boris Yeltsin. Of course, there is no need to talk about the confrontation between only two officials in this case, since it was a real diarchy, generated by the thoughtless inclusion of the position of the sole head of state in the system of public administration, while maintaining the broad competence of parliament. As a result of the struggle between the Supreme Council and the Government headed by the President, the constitutional crisis of 1992-1993 broke out, and the work of state bodies became ineffective. Back in March 1993, the deputies, most of whom were leftists - communists, agrarians, Baburin's Russia and the Fatherland faction, tried to remove the president from power by way of impeachment, but this was not done.
Despite the fact that the actions of Yelitsin's opponents were carried out taking into account all the norms and requirements of the law, Boris Nikolayevich did not want to recognize them. Korzhakov's memoirs can serve as vivid evidence of this. A Yeltsin supporter talks about how a plan was developed to use chloropicrin (an irritating chemical) against deputies in the event of a vote that the President disliked. From a legal point of view, this fact alone can be qualified as a crime. After the failure of the impeachment attempt, the Congress appointed a referendum with 4 questions for April 25 - the referendum produced the most favorable results for the President.
Yeltsin's supporters argue aloud that popular confidence was almost absolute. Well, let's just present the numbers as a refutation. So, the results were as follows:
- trust the President - 58, 7% of those who voted (the figure is huge, but far from absolute);
- approve of the President's policy - 53% of those who voted;
- early presidential elections were considered necessary - 41.2%;
- 49.5% voted for early elections of the Supreme Council deputies.
Thus, despite the high percentage of citizens who trust the incumbent president and his policies, a significant proportion also spoke in favor of his re-election. The development of the crisis in public administration is evidenced by practically equal indicators on the re-election of both deputies and the President. Nevertheless, historically, the population of our country gravitated towards a sole leader, and not towards an abstract majority in parliament or other collegial body. The results of the referendum not only allowed Yeltsin to avoid displacement, but also predetermined all further events. The President realized that he had the support of the population and with even more persistence began to seek the expansion of powers.
The President openly announced to the public about the unwillingness of the deputies to support his socio-economic policy. From the legal point of view, such a claim looks absurd, since internal and foreign policy in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution in force, it was determined by the Congress of People's Deputies. In his address, Yeltsin focused the attention of citizens on his desire to maintain law and order, but at the same time read out the well-known decree 1400, which violated all the legal foundations of the young state.
So, let's pay attention to the text of this decree. In addition to the official accusations of parliament of delaying decision-making, unwillingness to participate in the economic transformation of the state, there was also an indication in the text of the fact that the current Constitution does not contain provisions on amending it. Analysis of the document itself confirms this statement, the basic law of the state turned out to be unfinished, and this circumstance became clear at the most critical moment. Boris Nikolaevich considered it possible, and by the way very convenient in his situation, to take on the function of a reformer of the legal basis, which aroused the indignation of his opponents. As a result, an attempt was made to convene the Congress, as well as a meeting of the Constitutional Court.
The main purpose of the decree is to make changes and additions to the text of the current Constitution. The decree contains specific constitutional articles to justify the President's act, but each of these norms is given only to create the appearance of the legality of the decision. Yeltsin attempted a coup d'etat, and, as time has shown, it was a success. We do not undertake to assess the actions of Boris Yeltsin, but from the point of view of the law in force at that time, he committed a crime against the foundations of statehood. The nullity of the decree was also confirmed by the Constitutional Court, but in September 1993 there was no longer any question of the rule of law in the country. The conflict went beyond the legal field, and only the strength and support of the crowd acted as arguments.
It is hardly appropriate to describe the street clashes, the blockade of the Supreme Soviet building, the storming of the television center within the framework of a small publication. We will limit ourselves only brief description the results of the September unrest and the October denouement.
On September 21, Yeltsin makes an appeal to citizens and publicly announces his decision to strip the Supreme Council of its powers. The deputies were invited to disperse, but the assembled Congress of People's Deputies, on the basis of the decision of the Constitutional Court, terminated the powers of the President and handed over temporary presidential powers to Vice-President A. V. Rutskoi. Considering that the decision to dismiss was made in compliance with the requirements of the law, from the evening of September 21, all of Yeltsin's orders cannot be considered legitimate. They are based solely on the disposition of citizens towards him, as well as power superiority.
On September 22, the confrontation continues. Since the 21st, the supply of electricity, heat and water to the building of the Supreme Council has been cut off, and the sewerage system has been cut off. The situation is heating up all day. On September 23, Yeltsin issues decrees promising material benefits. a large one-time remuneration of deputies, on the seizure of the property of the Supreme Soviet and the appointment of early presidential elections, which is subsequently canceled. None of these decrees can be called legitimate, since Boris Nikolaevich no longer had legal powers. Nevertheless, the confrontation is growing, neither side intends to give up its positions, personal ambitions come into play.
Next, first peaceful demonstrators appear on the streets, and then supporters of both sides arm themselves. The first civilian casualties, street barricades, pogroms, convoys with armored personnel carriers and other attributes of the armed conflict are present in the capital until October 4-5.
As a result, the Supreme Soviet was taken by storm and ceased to exist as a state body. Power in the country has passed to the strong leader Boris Yeltsin. Thus, the events of September - October 1993 can be called a seizure of power or a coup d'etat. The author will not talk about the expediency of Yeltsin's actions in this article, since a separate publication should be devoted to this issue. In conclusion, we will cite only one fact that is difficult to dispute. The population at the next elections again gave their votes to Boris Yeltsin, and for several years the country became stable.
Participants of the events of September-October 1993 tell a unique video made by an unknown person.
From the first frames, the story begins with a member of the Taman division's column, shows where the column was fired from, what actions were taken, then shows his actions in this situation, who was wounded where, where they moved.
In particular, he tells how in the morning in the area of \u200b\u200bthe Krasnaya Presnya stadium, due to inconsistency of actions, armed clashes occurred between the Tamans and the armored personnel carriers of the Dzerzhintsy (OMSDON of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, the former Special Purpose Division named after Dzerzhinsky). soldiers and among bystanders.
Moreover, the video was made 2 months after the events and traces of that shootout are visible on the video.
A unique video, everyone who wants to know a lot more about the events of the shooting of the White House - a must to watch. ()
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Spotted Osh S bku Highlight text and press Ctrl + Enter
Dispersal of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation
(also known as " Shooting of the White House», « Shooting of the House of Soviets», « October uprising of 1993», « Decree 1400», « October putsch», "Yeltsin coup of 1993") - an internal political conflict in the Russian Federation September 21 - October 4, 1993. It happened as a result of a constitutional crisis that has been developing since 1992.
The result of the confrontation was the violent termination of the Soviet model of power that had existed since 1917 in Russia, accompanied by armed clashes on the streets of Moscow and subsequent uncoordinated actions of the troops, during which at least 157 people died and 384 were injured (of which on October 3 and 4 - 124 people , 348 wounded).
The crisis was a consequence of the confrontation between two political forces: on the one hand, the President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin (see the All-Russian referendum on April 25, 1993), the government headed by Viktor Chernomyrdin, some of the people's deputies and members of the Supreme Soviet - the president's supporters, and on the other hand - opponents of the socio-economic policy of the president and the government: Vice-President Alexander Rutskoy, the main part of the People's Deputies and members of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, the majority of which was the Russian Unity bloc, which included representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Fatherland faction "(Radical communists, retired military men and deputies of a socialist orientation)," Agrarian Union ", the deputy group" Russia ", led by the initiator of the unification of communist and nationalist parties, Sergei Baburin.
The events began on September 21 with the publication by President Boris N. Yeltsin of decree No. 1400 on the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet, which violated the then existing Constitution. Immediately after the publication of this decree, Yeltsin was de jure automatically removed from the presidency in accordance with Article 121.6 of the current constitution. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, which met on the same day, which monitors the observance of the constitution, stated this legal fact. The Congress of People's Deputies confirmed this decision and assessed the president's actions as a coup d'etat. However, Boris Yeltsin de facto continued to exercise the powers of the President of Russia.
A significant role in the tragic outcome was played by the personal ambitions of the chairman of the Supreme Soviet Ruslan Khasbulatov, expressed in his unwillingness to conclude compromise agreements with the administration of Boris Yeltsin during the conflict, as well as Boris Yeltsin himself, who, after the signing of decree No. 1400, refused to speak directly with Khasbulatov even by phone.
According to the conclusion of the State Duma commission, a significant role in exacerbating the situation was played by the actions of Moscow police officers to disperse rallies and demonstrations in support of the Supreme Soviet and detain their active participants from September 27 to October 2, 1993, which in some cases acquired the character of mass beatings of protesters with the use of special equipment.
Since October 1, with the mediation of Patriarch Alexy II under the auspices of the Russian Orthodox Church, negotiations have been held between the opposing sides, at which it was proposed to develop a "zero option" - simultaneous re-election of the president and people's deputies. The continuation of these negotiations, scheduled for 16:00 on October 3, did not take place due to the riots that began in Moscow, an armed attack by a group of defenders of the Supreme Soviet led by Albert Makashov at the call of and. about. President Alexander Rutskoy to the mayor's office and the departure of a group of armed supporters of the Supreme Council in stolen army trucks to the Ostankino television center.
Opinions about the position of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, headed by V.D.Zorkin, differ: according to the judges themselves and supporters of the Congress, he remained neutral; in the opinion of Yeltsin's side, he participated on the side of the Congress.
The investigation of the events was not completed, the investigation group was disbanded after in February 1994 the State Duma adopted a decision on an amnesty for those who participated in the events of September 21 - October 4, 1993, related to the issuance of Decree No. 1400, and opposed its implementation. regardless of the qualification of actions under the articles of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. As a result, society still does not have unambiguous answers to a number of key questions about the tragic events that took place - in particular, about the role of political leaders who spoke on both sides, about the belonging of snipers who shot at civilians and police officers, actions of provocateurs, about who is to blame for the tragic outcome.
There are only versions of the participants and eyewitnesses of the events, the investigator of the disbanded investigation group, publicists and the commission of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, headed by the communist Tatyana Astrakhankina, who came to Moscow from Rzhev at the end of September 1993 to protect the House of Soviets, which party comrades, in particular Alexey Podberezkin, called "Orthodox".
In accordance with the new Constitution, adopted by popular vote on December 12, 1993 and in force with some changes to the present, the President of the Russian Federation received significantly broader powers than under the Constitution of 1978 in force at that time (with amendments 1989-1992). The post of vice-president of the Russian Federation was eliminated.
Outcome
The victory of President Yeltsin, the elimination of the post of vice-president, the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, the termination of the activities of the Councils of People's Deputies. Establishment of a presidential republicas a form of government in Russia to replace the previously existing Soviet republic.
President of Russia
Council of Ministers of Russia
Administration of the President of Russia
Supporters of the President of the Russian Federation Boris N. Yeltsin:
Democratic Russia
Living ring
August-91
Public-patriotic association of volunteers - defenders of the White House in August 1991 in support of democratic reforms "Detachment" Russia ""
Democratic union
Afghan Veterans Union
Taman division
Kantemirovsk division
119th Guards Parachute Regiment
Separate motorized rifle division of special purpose named after. Dzerzhinsky
1st special-purpose detachment of internal troops "Vityaz".
Congress of People's Deputies of Russia
Supreme Soviet of Russia
Vice President of Russia
Supporters of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation, including:
- National Salvation Front (FNS)
- « Russian national unity» ( RNU, by the name of the leader also “ Barkashovites», « Barkashov's Guard»)
- "Labor Russia"other.
Commanders from Boris Yeltsin's side -
Boris Yeltsin
Viktor Chernomyrdin
Egor Gaidar
Pavel Grachev
Victor Erin
Valery Evnevich
Alexander Korzhakov
Anatoly Kulikov
Boris Polyakov
Sergey Lysyuk
Nikolay Golushko
White House Commanders (for Soviet power):
Alexander Rutskoy,
Ruslan Khasbulatov
Alexander Barkashov
Vladislav Achalov
Stanislav Terekhov
Albert Makashov
Victor Anpilov
Victor Barannikov
Andrey Dunaev
Citizens who died as a result of the storming of the House of Soviets and mass shootings in the area of \u200b\u200bthe House of Soviets on October 4-5, 1993
1. Abakhov Valentin Alekseevich
2. Abrashin Alexey Anatolievich
3. Adamlyuk Oleg Yuzefovich
4. Alienkov Sergey Mikhailovich
5. Artamonov Dmitry Nikolaevich
6. Boyarsky Evgeny Stanislavovich
7. Britov Vladimir Petrovich
8. Bronius Jurgelenis Juno
9. Bykov Vladimir Ivanovich
10.Valevich Viktor Ivanovich
11. Verevkin Roman Vladimirovich
12. Vinogradov Evgeny Alexandrovich
13. Vorobiev Alexander Veniaminovich
14. Vylkov Vladimir Yurievich
15. Gulin Andrey Konstantinovich
16. Devonissky Alexey Viktorovich
17. Demidov Yuri Ivanovich
18. Deniskin Andrey Alekseevich
19. Denisov Roman Vladimirovich
20. Duz Sergey Vasilievich
21. Evdokimenko Valentin Ivanovich
22. Yegovtsev Yuri Leonidovich
23. Ermakov Vladimir Alexandrovich
24. Zhilka Vladimir Vladimirovich
25. Ivanov Oleg Vladimirovich
26. Kalinin Konstantin Vladimirovich
27. Katkov Viktor Ivanovich
28. Klimov Yuri Petrovich
29. Klyuchnikov Leonid Alexandrovich
30. Kovalev Viktor Alekseevich
31. Kozlov Dmitry Valerievich
32. Kudryashev Anatoly Mikhailovich
33. Kurgin Mikhail Alekseevich
34. Kurennoy Anatoly Nikolaevich
35. Kurysheva Marina Vladimirovna
36. Leibin Yuri Viktorovich
37. Livshits Igor Elizarovich
38. Manevich Anatoly Naumovich
39. Marchenko Dmitry Valerievich
40. Matyukhin Kirill Viktorovich
41. Morozov Anatoly Vasilievich
42. Pavel Anatolievich Mosharov
43. Sergei Vladimirovich Nelyubov
44. Obukh Dmitry Valerievich
45. Pavlov Vladimir Anatolievich
46. \u200b\u200bPanteleev Igor Vladimirovich
47. Papin Igor Vyacheslavovich
48. Parnyugin Sergei Ivanovich
49. Peskov Yuri Evgenievich
50. Pestryakov Dmitry Vadimovich
51. Pimenov Yuri Alexandrovich
52. Polstyanova Zinaida Alexandrovna
53. Rudnev Anatoly Semenovich
54.Saygidova Patimat Gatinamagomedovna
55. Salib Assaf
56. Svyatozarov Valentin Stepanovich
57. Seleznev Gennady Anatolyevich
58. Sidelnikov Alexander Vasilievich
59.Smirnov Alexander Veniaminovich
60. Spiridonov Boris Viktorovich
61. Spitsin Andrey Yurievich
62.Sursky Anatoly Mikhailovich
63. Timofeev Alexander Lvovich
64. Fadeev Dmitry Ivanovich
65. Fimin Vasily Nikolaevich
66. Hanush Fadi
67. Khloponin Sergey Vladimirovich
68. Khusainov Malik Khaidarovich
69. Chelyshev Mikhail Mikhailovich
70. Chelyakov Nikolay Nikolaevich
71. Chernyshev Alexander Vladimirovich
72. Choporov Vasily Dmitrievich
73. Shalimov Yuri Viktorovich
74. Shevyrev Stanislav Vladimirovich
75. Yudin Gennady Valerievich
Citizens who died in other districts of Moscow and the Moscow region in connection with the coup d'etat on September 21 - October 5, 1993
1. Alferov Pavel Vladimirovich
2. Bondarenko Vyacheslav Anatolievich
3. Vorobyova Elena Nikolaevna
4. Drobyshev Vladimir Andronovich
5. Dukhanin Oleg Alexandrovich
6. Kozlov Alexander Vladimirovich
7. Malysheva Vera Nikolaevna
9. Novokas Sergey Nikolaevich
10. Ostapenko Igor Viktorovich
11. Solokha Alexander Fedorovich
12. Tarasov Vasily Anatolievich
Servicemen and employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs who died while performing tasks to support a coup
1. Alekseev Vladimir Semenovich
2. Baldin Nikolay Ivanovich
3. Boyko Alexander Ivanovich
4. Gritsyuk Sergey Anatolievich
5. Drozdov Mikhail Mikhailovich
6. Korovushkin Roman Sergeevich
7. Korochensky Anatoly Anatolyevich
8. Korshunov Sergey Ivanovich
9. Krasnikov Konstantin Kirillovich
10. Lobov Yuri Vladimirovich
11. Mavrin Alexander Ivanovich
12. Milchakov Alexander Nikolaevich
13. Mikhailov Alexander Valerievich
14. Pankov Alexander Egorovich
15. Panov Vladislav Viktorovich
16. Petrov Oleg Mikhailovich
17.Rashtuk Vladimir Grigorievich
18. Romanov Alexey Alexandrovich
19. Ruban Alexander Vladimirovich
20. Savchenko Alexander Romanovich
21.Sviridenko Valentin Vladimirovich
22.Sergeev Gennady Nikolaevich
23.Sitnikov Nikolay Yurievich
24.Smirnov Sergey Olegovich
25. Farelyuk Anton Mikhailovich
26. Khikhin Sergey Anatolievich
27. Shevarutin Alexander Nikolaevich
28. Shishaev Ivan Dmitrievich
