lat. - bunch, bundle) - an open terrorist dictatorship aimed at suppressing all democratic freedoms and progressive social movements. Fascism is characterized by racism, chauvinism, violence, the cult of the leader, the total power of the state, misanthropy, militarization, aggression, and anti-Semitism.

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FASCISM

ital. fascismo, from fascio - bundle, bundle, union) - political. flow that emerged in the capitalist. countries during the general crisis of capitalism and expressing the interests of the most reactionary and aggressive forces of the imperialist. bourgeoisie. F. in power is openly terrorist. the dictatorship of the most reactionary circles is monopolistic. capital, carried out in order to preserve the capitalist. building. The most important distinguishing features of P. are the use of extreme forms of violence to suppress the working class and all working people, militant anti-communism, chauvinism, racism, widespread use of state monopolies. methods, maximum control over all manifestations of societies, and the personal life of citizens, ramified ties with a fairly large part of the population that does not belong to the ruling classes, the ability to mobilize and politically activate it in the interests of the exploiting system. F.'s foreign policy is imperialist policy. captures. The commonality of features inherent in F. as a political. direction, does not exclude the existence of its various forms, which are very often determined by the degree of predominance in one form or another of F. political. or militaristic forces. The predominance of militaristic forces is characteristic of military-fascist regimes. The determining role of the politician. The fascist forces were distinguished by "classical" fascist regimes (Italy in 1922-43, Hitler's Germany). In the struggle to create a mass social base, F. put forward a system of views that made up the so-called. fasc. ideology. This ideology is an unprincipled conglomerate of reactionaries. doctrines and theories that had developed before the advent of F. She widely used the racist ideas of A. Gobineau (France), V. de Lapouge (France) and H. Chamberlain (Germany), the anti-Semitic fabrications of K. E. Dühring (Germany), K. A. Greenmouth and V. M. Purishkevich (tsarist Russia). An important part of the ideological. luggage F. became the views of the so-called. geopolitical. schools - F. Ratzel (Germany), J. R. Chellen (Sweden), K. Haushofer (Germany). Theoretical the justification of anti-democracy was borrowed by the Nazis from the works of F. Nietzsche and O. Spengler (Germany). Great influence on the ideology of the Germans. F. provided the ideas of pan-Germanism, which became widespread in Germany in the last third of the 19th - early. 20th century In the center is fasc. ideology - the ideas of the military. expansion, racial inequality, class. harmony (the theory of "people's community" and "corporatism"), leaderism ("the principle of the Fuhrer"), the omnipotence of the state. machines (the theory of "total state"). These ideas were expressed in the most concentrated form in the book by A. Hitler's "Mein Kampf" (1925). A very essential feature of fasc. ideology - the desire to appear under a false flag in order to disguise its true content. This goal was served, in particular, by the speculation of fascism on the popularity of the ideas of socialism among the masses. Having arisen as a reaction to the revolutionary. rise, the offensive to-rogo announced Vel. Oct socialist revolution, F. turned into a fierce and dangerous enemy of all progressive mankind and, above all, international. revolutionary. labor movement. First fasc. org-tions appeared in the spring of 1919 in Italy. They were formed in the form of paramilitaries. squads of nationalist former front-line soldiers; the name of these squads - "fasci di combattimento" - gave the name to all fasc. movement. Fache. movement originated in Italy in an environment of extreme economic. decline and serious polit. crisis. Revolutionaries were spreading in the country. performances by the working class and the peasantry. In an effort to create for themselves in such conditions the widest possible mass base, the fascists made extensive use of socialist. phraseology; they came up with demagogic. program (expropriation of land, mines and transport, 8-hour working day, republic, social insurance, progressive tax), designed to deceive the masses, primarily the broad strata of the petty bourgeoisie. At the same time, they established contacts with influential groupings of the ruling classes, from which they received powerful finance. and polit. support (the Association of Italian Industrialists not only supported, but, therefore, directed the fascist policy during the period when the fascists came to power and during the years of the fascist dictatorship). In the interests of the ruling classes, the fascists called on the Italian. people to new territories. seizures in order to satisfy the imperialistich. claims of Italy, allegedly deprived after the 1st World War, and the creation of the so-called. "Great Italy". In the beginning. 20s fasc. movement in Italy has become a major political. strength. From the spring of 1921 ital. the Nazis deployed a genuine citizen. war against the organized working class and all democrats. forces of the country. In nov. 1921 at the next congress fasc. org-tion was created by the Fascist National Party. In oct. In 1922 the fascists staged an armed "campaign against Rome", which gave the ruling circles of Italy a pretext for the transfer of DOS. levers of political. power to the fascists. 31 oct. 1922 Italian leader. fascists ("duce") B. Mussolini was appointed prime minister. Over the next four years, fasc. the leadership, step by step, liquidated the bourgeois-democratic. freedom in the country. In nov. 1926 in Italy all anti-fascists were finally banned. parties, and their deputies are expelled from parliament. Communist. deputies and leaders of the Communist Party were imprisoned. A regime of lawlessness and lawlessness reigned in the country, and complete autocracy was established by fasc. oligarchy. In the field of foreign policy fasc. production soon after coming to power took the path of unrestrained imperialism. expansion. Already in Aug. 1923 Italy made an attempt to capture the Greek. island of Corfu (see Corfu incident 1923). On Sept. 1923 troops fasc. Italy joined Yugoslavia. the city of Rijeka (Fiume); in 1926-27 was established fact. Italian protectorate over Albania. In 1935 fasc. Italy unleashed a war against Ethiopia, after the capture of a cut (1936) took part in the intervention against the rep. Spain (1936-39). Albania was captured by Italy in 1939. In oct. 1940 Italy attacked Greece, and even earlier, in June of the same year, declared war on France, thereby entering World War II, during which all the internal contradictions of the Ital were extremely aggravated. the fascist state and the fascist regime in Italy collapsed (1943). Him. The fascist party (officially called the National Socialist Workers' Party of Germany (NSDAP)) emerged in 1919. The name adopted by the party reflected the desire of its organizers to use the influence of socialist ideas among Germans in the interests of extreme reaction. workers. The first party program drawn up in 1920, which was notable for its particularly shameless demagogicism, contained a number of far-reaching demands (nationalization of trusts, gratuitous confiscation of land for communal purposes, abolition of "interest-bearing slavery," the abolition of unearned income and confiscation of military profits, the death penalty for usurers and speculators, etc. etc.). Already at the beginning. 20s the Nazis began to receive subsidies from the largest German (F. Thyssen and others) and foreign (eg, G. Ford) monopolists. The first major attempt by the Nazis to seize dominant positions in the state by force - the Munich putsch in November. 1923 - ended in failure, which caused confusion in the National Socialist Party, which it overcame only in 1927. Ekonomich. crisis of 1929-33, which struck Germany with particular force (in 1932 the volume of industrial production in the country was more than 40% lower than 1929, and unemployment covered 45% of the German proletariat), and the subsequent political. the crisis led, along with a significant strengthening of the Communist Party, to the rapid growth of the influence of the National Socialists. Using new hardships, to-rye economical. the crisis hit the germ. working people, the leaders of the National Socialist Party, disguised as "friends of the people", generously distributed promises to all the disaffected and disadvantaged. They promised the workers "fair" wages and the elimination of unemployment; to peasants - a decrease in interest on mortgage debts; small traders and artisans - the liquidation of department stores that ruined them with their competition, liberation from the yoke of "Jewish capital", state. subsidies and lower prices for raw materials. Speculating on the slighted nat. feeling of the Germans, the National Socialists sought to appear before the Germans. the people in the role of the most resolute fighters against the Versailles Peace Treaty. In an atmosphere of deepening political. the crisis in the country, the methods of government proclaimed by the fascists found the active support of an influential group of large monopolies. After the formation of 11 Oct. 1931 "Harzburg Front" (a union of forces of extreme reaction, created at the conference of National Socialists, nationalists and the organization "Steel Helmet") and organized by Thyssen on January 27, 1932, the speech of the "Fuhrer" (leader) of the National Socialists A. Hitler in front of the largest entrepreneurs in Dusseldorf this support, both financial and political, has grown further. Relying on it and having entered into an alliance with influential circles in the leadership of the Reichswehr, Germ. the Nazis managed to get a mandate to form the pr-va. At the end of Jan. 1933 President Hindenburg instructs Hitler to form a government. After staging the arson of the Reichstag and attributing the blame for it to the Communists, the German fascists for several. months completely "unified" the country, unleashing an all-embracing bloody terror on it. Following the communist. party were banned by the Social Democratic. and all trad. bourgeois. party. All societies were dissolved. org-tions, and above all trade unions, were deprived of their prerogatives by parliament, all forms of society were abolished. control over state. administration. Unlike Italy, where the process of the destruction of bourgeois democracy and the establishment of an unlimited fascist dictatorship lasted for a number of years, in Germany the National Socialists carried out the “unification” of the country relatively quickly - within one year. At the same time, in an effort to strengthen their positions in the country, the leadership of the National Socialist Party conducted a series of demagogic works. activities designed to disorient the bunk. masses. In conditions of mass unemployment, the system of labor camps created by the National Socialists was widely promoted as a measure aimed at mitigating it. Employment growth associated with Germany's exit from the economic stage. crisis and forced militarization, was used as proof of the "effectiveness" of economic. politics of fascism. Along with other measures, the same goals were served by the system of protection against layoffs developed by the Nazis, and to facilitate the payment of debts to certain groups of peasants. To calm the craftsmen, workshops at general stores were liquidated, and loans were provided to some categories of artisans. Playing on low, nationalist instincts, the National Socialists set their supporters against the Jewish population of Germany, provoking pogroms and condoning mass plunder, carried out under the name of "arization" of Jewish property. In demagogic. purposes fasc. Germany was proclaimed the state of the mental workers and physical workers. Labor, (Arbeiter der Stirn und Arbeiter der Faust). At the same time, the workers of umst. Labor was declared all "Aryan" entrepreneurs. The mechanism of the dictatorship created by National Socialism included the apparatus of terror (CA, CC, Gestapo, as well as the "People's Tribunal" and other bodies of fasc. Justice), DOS. the task to-rogo was suppression and physical. the destruction of all real and potential opponents of the regime, the organizational apparatus. impact on the population (NSDAP, National Socialist Women's Union, Hitler Youth, German Workers' Front, the organization "Strength through Joy", etc.), which ensured control over all forms of society. activities, and the apparatus for the propaganda processing of broad bunks. masses (Ministry of propaganda). Immediately, a course was taken to militarize the country's economy and soon the international policy was torn apart. agreements limiting the armament of Germany. In 1935 fasc. Germany restored general conscription. In 1936-39 Germany, together with Italy, participated in the intervention against the rep. Spain. In 1938, violence was carried out. annexation (Anschluss) of Austria, in 1938-39 Czechoslovakia became a victim of fascist aggression. By attacking Poland in September 1939, Nazi Germany unleashed World War II. Once in power, fasc. the parties of Italy and Germany placed under their auspices numerous groups and movements abroad that sympathized with fascism, and in some cases simply began to create them. In some countries, capitalist. of the world, these movements and groups, despite the support from the outside, have remained weak politically. sects (fasc. parties of England, Sweden, Norway, etc.). In some places they have grown into a serious threat to the bourgeois-democratic. regimes and only thanks to the decisive rebuff of the united democrats. forces failed to seize power (for example, in France). In some state-wah Vost. and Center. Europe (in Austria, Poland, Romania, the Baltic states, etc.), regimes were established that carried fasc. features. The decisive role in them was played by the parties that clearly sympathized with fascism. Fasc developed under the influence of Italy and Germany. traffic in Spain. In the summer of 1936, relying on the support of the fasc. powers, isp. fascists in alliance with reactionaries. militarists raised a mutiny against the rep. pr-va and after the bloody civil. a war that lasted approx. 3 years, established fasc in the country. dictatorship of Franco. Even before that, the fascination was established in Portugal. dictatorship of Salazar. Establishing fasc. regimes was accompanied by the widest use of state-monopolistic. regulation with the aim of "improving" capitalistic. economy, strengthening the position of monopolies and creating the preconditions for foreign policy. expansion. Into the fasc. Germany, for example, carried out a whole series of measures to indirectly influence the economy, first of all - a sharp increase in the so-called. "public" investments (military purposes, transport, management, etc.). At the same time, the direct admin was installed. control over households. development. Gradually, a complex and cumbersome control mechanism was created, which was allowed by fasc. leadership in a relatively short time to transfer the country's economy to the military. rails, re-create or significantly expand important in the strategic. relation to the industry of industry, to accumulate military. stocks. As levers of state-monopoly regulation, the "estate" bodies created by the fascists were used - the imperial "food estate", the imperial "craft estate", etc. In other countries with fascists. state-monopoly regime. the system did not become as comprehensive as in Germany, but similar tendencies manifested themselves in them. The mass base of F., the reservoir from which the fascists replenished their elite, were the middle strata of the capitalist. societies that occupy an intermediate position between the bourgeoisie and the working class. In a number of countries (primarily Italy and Germany) fasc. the regimes were able to win over to their side also separate, politically immature groups of the working class. On the whole, however, the working class was founded. the power of antifash. bunk bed front. K ser. 30s F. grew into a mortal threat not only for the worker and the democratic. movement dep. countries, but also for all mankind. The politician was under attack. and the social gains of the working class, of all working people, are the result of many decades of stubborn struggle. Aggressive policy of fasc. powers called into question the very existence of many peoples of Europe, and not only Europe - created a direct threat to human civilization. Realization of the seriousness of this threat led to the emergence of widespread anti-fascism. movement, DOS. on the rallying of all politicians. forces ready to resist F. The decisive role in organizing such resistance was played by the communist. party. In France, the Nar, which arose on the initiative of the communists. the front prevented the seizure of power by the Nazis and carried out a number of important reforms in the interests of the working people. In Spain, nar. Front (created on the initiative of the Communist Party on a national scale in January 1936) was headed by the National Revolutionary. war 1936-39 and carried out deep socio-economic. transformation. In those countries where F. was in power, the Communists stood at the head of the clandestine anti-fascist. movement. Intern. antifash. movement in support of the struggle Isp. republics against Franco rebels and Italo-German. invaders; the International Brigades that fought on the side of the Republic did a great job. military, moral and political. help isp. rep. army. During World War II, fasc. terror in the occupied territories, genocide, death camps, and the deliberate extermination of millions of people fully revealed the inhuman nature of F., who incurred the hatred of the peoples of the whole world. Into the fasc. to the rear - in the occupied territories. and in the fascists themselves. countries - there was antifash. The Resistance Movement, which undermined the combat power of the fasc. armies and strength fasc. modes. The defeat of Germany and its allies by the forces of the anti-Hitler coalition with the decisive participation of the Sov. Union dealt a heavy blow to F. However, in some capitalist. countries (Spain, Portugal), the ruling classes managed to preserve the dictatorial regimes of fasc. type. In the countries that were part of the fasc. bloc, F.'s roots were not completely liquidated. The "cold war" that began after World War II led to the revival of the fasc. elements and in those capitalist. state-wah, to-rye were in the past in the anti-Hitler coalition. Equally important is the fact that social and political. processes that gave rise to fascism and turned it into a certain ist. stage in a very influential force, continue to occur in the present. capitalistic. society. Political. the instability of imperialism, giving rise to a tendency towards reaction, not only did not diminish, but, on the contrary, increased. In the course of the defeat of the F. in a number of countries, the People's Democratic, and then the Socialist. revolution. In many other countries, the foundations of capitalism have been shaken. The collapse of the colonial system of imperialism took place. The development of state monopolies has noticeably advanced. capitalism, which leads to further centralization of the management of households. life and the rapid strengthening of state. cars. Much compared to the pre-war period. period increased the influence of the militaristic caste. Hence - characteristic of the post-war. years, the tendency to "wash out democracy" in the capitalist. countries, a cut are opposed by the working class and all democratic. strength. This tendency finds its expression in the strengthening of the political role of state security agencies and in emergency legislation, which significantly undermines the right of citizens to free political. expression of will, opposition. activity and limiting the possibilities of economical. struggle of the working class. An important form of "washing out" of democracy is characteristic of most industrialized capitalists. state-in a tendency to reduce the role of parliament. In capitalistic. countries ruling circles to-rykh adhere to traditions. methods of government, a more or less influential extreme right-wing opposition has developed, in some cases openly fascinated. or semi-fascist in nature. The strength and influence of this opposition on the right fluctuate depending on changes in the economic. conjuncture and state of the international. situation, increasing with the exacerbation of the crisis within the country and in the international. arena and weakening as tensions soften. In some cases, fasc. and semi-fash. elements in alliance with the militaristic forces are attempting to seize dominant positions by military means. coups. Acting in new conditions, fasc. the forces naturally take on a new guise. Therefore, speaking of sovr. F., most often use the term "neo-fascism". In neo-fascism, two main ones can be distinguished. directions. The first is just a slightly transformed "traditional" fasc. movement trying to preserve everything that is possible from the ideology and methods of the Germans. National Socialism and Italian. fascism of the 30-40s. Fash adjoins this direction. groups and small groups in different countries, united around the magazine "Nation Europa" (FRG) and international. neofash. centers in Malmö (Malmö International), Madrid and Buenos Aires. It should also include what was created in the middle. 60s int. neo-fascist association (World Union of National Socialists). Members of such groups and small groups are, first of all, persons who played a prominent role in fasc. movement in the 30-40s. and those involved in the military. and other crimes. Some of them served in the first post-war years. years of punishment, being convicted by either a military man. by the ships of the Allies, or by the ships of their own countries. Fash plays an important role in these groups and groups. emigrants, including emigrants from the now socialist countries, primarily from Eastern and South-Eastern Europe (Yugoslavia, Hungary, Romania, etc.). Fache. org-tions of this kind are very active. Immediately after the war, when in Zap. Europe took certain concrete measures to punish fasc. military. criminals, these organizations began to prepare their flight to countries where they were not in danger (to Spain, Portugal, Latin America, etc.). They organized a system for the provision of finance. assistance to former leaders of fasc. regime in Germany, Italy and other countries, as well as their families. These groups have played a role in using the Cold War to create a psychological atmosphere conducive to ideological and political. "rehabilitation" of fascism in the eyes of the conservative part of the public West. capitalistic. countries. Imperialistic. intelligence agencies widely use these organizations as auxiliary organs in conducting sabotage and intelligence activities against the Sov. Union and other socialist. state-in. For the most part, such organizations avoid publicity and operate preim. conspiratorial or semi-secret methods. However, the possibilities of this trend in the present. neo-fascism are very limited. Too close connection with the inglorious past gets in the way of neofache. org-tions of this type go beyond the narrow limits of the circle of their traditions. supporters and win over to their side any significant categories of the population. These organizations are not able to take into account the changed situation, to understand the specifics of the interests of the ruling circles of the present. imperialism, to determine the mood and specific requirements of the population, including those social strata that once constituted the mass base of F. The rapidly progressing process of "aging cadres" further narrows the political. the prospects of such organizations, dooming them to the position of second-rate or third-rate agents. Another direction in neo-fascism poses a much greater danger. a feature of which is a combination of illegal or semi-legal methods while maintaining external loyalty to the rule of law and parliamentary institutions. Regardless of the "theoretical" attitude to the "inheritance", they focus on the modern. problems and advertise themselves as the organization of today. Constantly maneuvering, they try to speculate on breaking the tradition. social structure as a result of scientific and technical. revolution and on the real ulcers of the capitalist. systems. These parties and organizations include, for example, the Italian Social Movement (founded in 1947; in 1973, having united with the monarchists, adopted the name. The Italian Social Movement - National Right Forces), National Democratic. party in Zap. Germany (NDP), DOS. in 1964 (in the early 70's. It was going through a serious crisis), etc. On the whole, however, the position of F. after World War II is much weaker than before it. Arrangement of classes. forces in the industrially developed capitalist. countries excludes in some cases unlimited monopoly autocracy. bourgeoisie. The tendency towards a shift to the right, forced by the powers that be, is opposed by the tendency towards a shift to the left, towards the expansion of democracy, which is the result of a persistent and, in some cases, successful struggle of the Nar. the masses and above all the working class. Antifash was widespread among the masses. moods; under these conditions, the ruling classes of the industrially developed capitalist. countries consider it dangerous to abandon the bourgeois-democratic. forms of government, especially since in general they still provide more or less normal functioning of the mechanism of power. It is possible, however, that under certain circumstances the ruling circles are capitalist. state-in can refuse bourges. parliamentarism and in the name of saving capitalist. in order to turn to openly fascist methods. Therefore, the activities of extreme right-wing, semi-fascist and neo-fascist forces in capitalist countries pose a serious danger even in those cases when these forces outwardly do not play any serious political role. The most important obstacle on the path to the revival of F. in every country is the creation of a united front of democratic forces. Since its inception, F. has become an object of close attention from the international. communist. movement. While many bourges. and right-wing socialist. ideologues without recognizing the class. content F. or deliberately not wanting to do so, considered him as a politician. direction, expressing the views and interests of certain groups of working people, the communists immediately saw in F. political. agents of the irreconcilable class. enemy. Communist. the parties appreciated the fascination from the very beginning. movement as a phenomenon characteristic not only of one country (Italy), but also as a product of a certain stage in the development of capitalism. A great contribution to the study of fascism was made by such international leaders. communist. movements such as G. Dimitrov, A. Gramsci, P. Togliatti, K. Zetkin, E. Telman, V. Peak, P. Dutt, and others. The most detailed analysis of F. was given by the VII Congress of the Communist. International, who put forward the idea of \u200b\u200bcreating a popular anti-imperialist. front against F. and the war. Along with the documents of the VII Congress, revealing the class content of F., showing the social base of F. and his connection with the war, serious assistance in the study of various aspects of politics and class. essence of F. is provided by a study from the Marxist-Leninist standpoint of modern socio-economic processes (for example, the study of the current stage of development of state-monopoly capitalism), in particular, the study of new forms of anti-democratic, fasc. and profash. movements. This allows us to look from the height of modern knowledge and modern development of science at certain processes that took place in capitalist society some time ago. Sov. scientists published in the 30s, during World War II and after the war. years, a number of specific studies highlighting various aspects of the policy of F. F. After the war, the study of the problem of F. by Marxist historians developed in the GDR, West Germany, Italy, and other countries (see the Sources and Literature section). In the bourgeois. historiography F. means. place is taken by works that criticize F. from the standpoint of defending the foundations of capitalist. systems. Among the representatives of this trend there are both conservatives and liberals (the presence of this subdivision is especially clearly revealed in the West German historiography). All these groups, with a few exceptions, are united by the concept of "totalitarianism", which allows many bourges. researchers hostile to socialist. idea, and all the more prone to anti-communism, to combine anti-fascism with slander against the revolution. proletarian movement. This is done with the help of a broad interpretation of the concept of "totalitarianism", as a phenomenon that includes various forms of fascism and communist. movement in the capitalist. state-wah, and state. socialist system. countries. To prove this "generality", the method of arbitrary comparison is used. signs. For conservative researchers, F. is a particular expression of the destructive development of human society caused by the loosening of traditions. foundations. One of the representatives of this group of researchers is the conservative publicist G. Rauschning - the former chairman of the Danzig Senate from the National Socialist Party, who later broke with Hitler (N. Rauschning, Die Revolution des Nihilismus, Z. - NY, 1958; his, Die Zeit des Deliriums, Z., 1947). According to Rauschning, in the course of the development of mankind in recent centuries, all positive concepts and norms, and even the concept of the normative function of reason, have been undermined. Liberation of a person from traditions and habits allegedly led to a total ideological. disorientation, accompanied by a total anarchy of values. Caused by all this, the greatest crisis of the present. civilization, Rauschning argues, inevitably pushes humanity on the path of creating an "authoritarian, arbitral and ultimately absolutist and totalitarian state." In essence, it does not go beyond this interpretation of F. as a historian. and the social phenomenon of Western German. conservative historian G. Ritter (G. Ritter, Die D? monie der Macht, M? nch., 1947; his, Geschichte als Bildungsmacht, Stuttg., 1946). G. Ritter, who at one time reached the level of direct praise of the Nazi leadership, constantly carries in his works the idea of \u200b\u200ba "total" state as a "national state" and on a nar. factor as determining the allegedly spontaneous warlike forms of nat. self-awareness. In his writings, we constantly find references to Vel, traditional for the conservative historiography of F. French revolution as the "progenitor" of the militaristic, fasc. principles and a speculative, class-based mixture of revolutionaries. and a counter-revolutionary. movements, to-rye are interpreted as exponents of the irrational desire for violence, characteristic of the broad masses. Specific studies of G. Buchhayt (G. Bucliheit, Das dritte Reich, M? Nch., 1958; his Soldatentum und Rebellion, Rotstadtt, 1961) and W. Görlitz (W. G? Rlitz, Die Waffen - SS, V., 1960). Some less conservative positions are taken by K. D. Bracher (see, for example, K. D. Bracher, Die Aufl? Sung der Weimarer Republik, Stuttg., 1955). Among liberal scholars, hostility towards the masses is not so openly expressed. Some of them categorically deny the assertion that the F. led the masses to power, and go quite far in criticizing representatives of the ruling classes (see, for example, GWF Hallgarten, Hitler, Reichswehr und die Industrie, Fr./M., 1955 ). However, with a few exceptions, they basically support the concept of "totalitarianism", which practically deprives them of the possibility of scientific study of philosophy as a social and political. phenomena. A special place among the bourges. Ernst Nolte of the Federal Republic of Germany takes scientists interested in the problems of physics. Its main. work "Fascism as an expression of the era" (E. Nolte, Der Faschismus in seiner Epoche, M? nch., 1963) is a study of the origins of various nat. forms F. Remaining an opponent of Marxism, a conservative, a neo-Kantian in philosophical views, Nolte rejects the concept of "totalitarianism" as fruitless and inconsistent with reality. F. appears in Nolte as a very specific politician. form sovr. capitalism, although Nolte himself, whenever possible, tries to avoid such a definition. The biggest drawback of Nolte's work is a clear underestimation of the need for economic. and specifically sociological. analysis of sources and roots F. Concentrating hl. attention to the problems of fasc. ideology, Nolte essentially considers the entire internal. and ext. the policy of fascism only as its practical. embodiment. In ital. non-Marxist historiography F. widespread was the bourgeois-liberal concept of B. Croce, to-ry, ignoring the socio-economic. and historical. preconditions F. in Italy, considers F. as a historical. the gap in the progressive development of Italy on the way to expanding democracy, caused by the 1st World War. Written with antifash. liberal positions in the fundamental work of L. Salvatorelli and G. Mira (L. Salvatorelli e G. Mira, Storia d´Italia nel periodo fascista, Torino, 1956), as well as in a number of other Ital. works defended the thesis of petty-burgeoning. character F. A peculiar concept is put forward in the work of the American S. M. Lipset (S. M. Lipset, Political man, L., 1960), edges contains an attempt sociological. analysis F. Studying the social basis of various sovr. mass movements, Lipset argues, allows one to come to the conclusion that each large social stratum (stratum) - and there are three such strata (lower, middle and higher) - has two political strata. expressions: democratic and extremist ("totalitarian"). Lipset is sure that such a classification is political. movements allows him to overcome the one-sidedness of the concept of "totalitarianism". Referring communism and F. to different strata (respectively, lower and middle), he seems to recognize the different social essence of both movements. At the same time, classifying them equally among the extremist politicians. movements, he also fulfills the task before him: albeit in passing, but to defame communism, putting it on a par with F. Klas. Lipset's bias is reflected not only in this, but also in the fact that in his classification he practically erects a wall between the ruling exploiting classes (the highest stratum) and F. Supporters of the socio-psychological. directions in the study of F. (G. Powell, V. Reich, T. Adorno, E. From) consider F. primarily as a psychopathological phenomenon. A number of works published in the USA and England are devoted to specific issues in the history of Germany during the fascist period. regime. Of greatest interest among them are the books of Bullock (A. Bullock, Hitler. A study in tyranny, L., 1952), Crankshaw (E. Crankshaw, The Gestapo. Instrument of tyranny, L., 1956), Seabury (P. Seabury, The Wilhelmstrasse, Los Ang., 1954), Taylor (T. Taylor, Sword and swastika, NY, 1952), Trevor-Roper (H. Trevor-Roper, The last days of Hitler, L., 1947). Big fact. material on germ. P. is contained in the book of Shirer (W. Shirer, Aufstieg und Fall des Dritten Reiches, Bd 1-2, M? Nch. - Z., 1963) and Schweitzer (A. Schweitzer, Big business in the Third Reich, Bloomington, 1964 ). Among the works of the bourges. There are also works by historians that examine F.'s problems from belligerently reactionary, including openly fascist and pro-fascist positions. These works are notable for their ignorance of well-known facts and documents, a complete lack of scientific conscientiousness, outright falsification, and overt apologetics of F. in general and National Socialism in particular. In general, bourgeois. historiography could not, due to the inconsistency of its methodological. concepts, to establish the actual place of F. in the life of the present. bourgeois. society. Only a Marxist historian. science has shown that F., being a dictatorship, is the most reactionary. circles of the imperialist. bourgeoisie, political. superstructure of more or less developed state-monopolistic. relations, is not fatally inevitable, remaining an alternative to another, bourgeois-democratic. forms of exercising the power of the ruling classes capitalist. society. Source and lit .: Resolution of the VII World Congress of the Communist International, Moscow, 1935; VII Kongress der Kommunistischen Internationale, Moskau, 1935; VII Congress of the Communist International. Abridged stenographic report of proceedings, Moscow, 1939; About the fascist dictatorship in Germany, (M.), 1934 (Comintern in documents); Gramsci A., Fav. Manuf., t. 1-3, M., 1957-59; Dutt Palm, Fascism and the Socialist Revolution, trans. from English., M., 1935; Dimitrov G., In the struggle for a united front against fascism and war. Articles and speeches 1935-1937, M., 1937; him, Selected Works, trans. with bulg., t. 1-2, M., 1957; Kuusinen O., Fascism, the danger of war and the tasks of the communist parties, M., 1934; Peak V., Selected Works, trans. from it., M., 1956; Telman E., Selected articles and speeches, trans. from it., t. 1-2, M., 1957-1958; Tolyatti P., On the tasks of the Communist International in connection with the preparation of a new world war by the imperialists, Moscow, 1935; Ercoli (P. Togliatti), What was the social basis of fascism?, "Communist International", 1926, No. 4; Ulbricht V., On the history of modern times, trans. from it., M., 1957; Ufaricht W., Der faschistische deutsche Imperialismus (1933-1945), B., 1956; Zetkin C., Gegen Faschismus und imperialistischen Krieg, B. 1955; The Nuremberg Trials of the Major German War Criminals. Sat. mat-lov, t. 1-7, M., 1957-61; Der Hitler-Putsch. Bayerische Dokumente zum 8/9 November 1923, Stuttg., 1962; Jochmann W., Nationalsozialismus und Revolution. Dokumente, Fr./M., 1963; Hofer W., Der Nationalsozialismus. Dokumente, 1933-1945, Fr./M., 1957; Buchenwald. Documents and messages, M., 1962; The enemy of the whole world. Facts and documents, trans. from it., M., 1962; Zur Geschichte der deutschen antifaschistischen Widerstandsbewegung. 1933-1945, B., 1958; Die Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung, Bd 4-5, B., 1966; Antonov D. A., Essays on fascism in Italy, M., 1923; Bezymensky L. A., German generals - with Hitler and without him, M., 1961; Blank A.S., The Communist Party of Germany in the Struggle Against the Fascist Dictatorship (1933-1945), M., 1964; Volkov L.V., Political doctrine and practice of modern fascism. Cand. diss, M., 1967; Galkin A. A., German fascism, M., 1967; Henry E., Does neo-fascism have a future ?, M., 1962; Gintsberg L.I., The Shadow of the Fascist Swastika. How Hitler Came to Power, M., 1967; Gintsberg L.I., Drabkin Ya. S., German anti-fascists in the fight against the Hitler dictatorship (1933-1945), M., 1961; Giulio Y., Fascist Italy, (translated from Italian), M.-L., 1929; Zorin B. C., American ultras, M., 1964; Lopukhov BR, Fascism and the labor movement in Italy 1919-1929, M., 1968; Magerovsky D.A., Fascist state, M., 1928; Melnikov D., Conspiracy on July 20, 1944 in Germany, M., 1965; M

Fascist states

Fascist states and military dictatorships:

Italy

Hitlerite Germany

Japan

Other states

Conclusion

Bibliography

The political regime is always in the most direct and immediate dependence on the social base of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Even before the onset of the general crisis of capitalism, the bourgeoisie systematically resorted to authoritarian and terrorist methods of government. After the First World War and the Great October Socialist Revolution, the departure of the bourgeoisie from democracy acquired an almost universal character. It was in the first post-war years that such a fundamentally new political phenomenon as fascism emerged, which was completely unknown to capitalism in the previous era. Fascism could appear only as a reaction of the bourgeoisie to the already victorious dictatorship of the proletariat. It is not surprising that in their homeland, Italy, the fascist movement immediately assumed an anti-Bolshevik character. From this seed later developed, the main distinguishing quality of fascism - militant anti-communism, spiced with the most unbridled social and nationalist demagogy. For all the diversity and complexity of the class composition of the fascist movement, its anti-proletarian character is decisive. Fascism is the direct reaction of the entire anti-proletarian front to the impending socialist revolution under the conditions of the collapse or crisis of the bourgeois state, confusion in the ruling class, social hysteria in all strata of society. By its social nature, fascism is nothing more than a preventive counterrevolution, which aims not only to prevent the impending socialist revolution, but also to lead the masses away from the struggle for socialism under pseudo-socialist and chauvinist slogans. The establishment of fascism is a radical revolution leading to the complete and final destruction of bourgeois democracy by the bourgeoisie itself, since the social basis of its dictatorship has disintegrated. “The coming of fascism to power,” said G. M. Dimitrov at the VII Congress of the Comintern, “is not an ordinary replacementone bourgeois government to another, and changeone state form, the class domination of the bourgeoisie - bourgeois democracy, its other form - an open terrorist dictatorship ”·.

With the establishment of fascism, there is no change in the class essence of state power, and the nature of the socio-economic system does not change either. With the establishment of fascism, the most reactionary part of the bourgeoisie comes to power, which establishes a regime of direct arbitrariness and lawlessness. A product of the era of the general crisis of capitalism, fascism is an openly terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary and chauvinistic elements of the financial nourishment.

The social base of fascist movements is primarily the petty bourgeoisie. It is adjoined by various declassed elements, as well as a significant part of the unemployed. But this does not mean at all that with the establishment of fascism the petty bourgeoisie comes to power. This Austro-Marxist theory was at one time widespread. Modern bourgeois scholars also frequently refer to it. However, in reality, the petty bourgeoisie, due to the dual nature of its political psychology and its position in the system of social production, cannot exercise state power on its own. The petty-bourgeois origin of many fascist leaders (Mussolini is the son of a blacksmith, Hitler is the son of a shoemaker who later became a customs official), the presence of people from this milieu in important positions in the mechanism of the fascist dictatorship does not change its essence in any way. In fact, power is in the hands of the most reactionary elements of monopoly capital. Fascism is not immediately established. Before making a change in the political regime, the bourgeoisie is carrying out a series of preparatory measures. GM Dimitrov said at the VII Congress of the Comintern: "Before the establishment of a fascist dictatorship, bourgeois governments usually go through a series of preparatory stages and carry out a series of reactionary measures that help fascism come to power directly."

Fascization of the political regime is usually carried out in the following main directions: open violation and trampling of bourgeois democratic rights and freedoms; the persecution and prohibition of communist and workers' parties, as well as progressive trade unions and public organizations; the merger of the state apparatus with monopolies; the militarization of the state apparatus; decline in the role of central and local representative institutions; the growth of discretionary powers of executive bodies of state power; merging of parties and trade unions with the state apparatus; the consolidation of previously scattered fascist and reactionary extremist parties and organizations; the emergence of various kinds of right-wing extremist movements ("National Front in France, Italian social movement, etc.).

In the conditions of the general crisis of capitalism, and especially at its present stage, elements of fascisation of one degree or another take place in all bourgeois countries that have reached the stage of state-monopoly capitalism.

Fascism as a special kind of bourgeois political regime has a number of features that distinguish it from other authoritarian regimes.

Fascism not only completely destroys bourgeois democracy, but also theoretically “substantiates” the need to establish totalitarianism. Instead of the liberal-democratic concept of individualism, fascism puts forward the concept of a nation, a people, whose interests always, everywhere and in everything prevail over the interests of individuals.

Fascism, in theory and in practice, broke with all the political and legal principles of bourgeois democracy, such as popular sovereignty, the supremacy of parliament, the separation of powers, election, local self-government, guarantees of individual rights, the rule of law.

The establishment of an openly terrorist regime under fascism is accompanied by the most rabid social demagogy, which is elevated to the rank of official ideology. Speculating on the demagogic criticism of the most egregious vices of capitalism, fascism always puts forward pseudo-socialist slogans, juggles with this or that kind of "national socialism". Fascism theoretically "justifies" the absence of antagonistic classes in bourgeois society. Instead of classes, he introduces the concept of corporations. Corporatism proclaims "cooperation between labor and capital", in which the entrepreneur is no longer an exploiter, but acts as a "captain of the industry", a leader who performs an important social function. The corporations supposedly cooperate with each other and are in a certain subordination. According to fascist ideology, each corporation, which occupies its inherent place in the hierarchical system, performs its inherent "social function". Corporate theories preach the unity and solidity of the nation. Thus, the Mussolini's Charter of Labor (April 1927) said: “The Italian nation is an organism whose goals, life and means of action exceed in strength and duration the goals, life and means of action of the individuals and groups that make up this organism. It represents moral, political and economic unity and is fully realized in the fascist state. " In fact, under the conditions of fascist "moral and political unity", a caste system is reviving on an imperialist basis, in which all citizens are distributed among corporations subordinate to the fascist state, and class struggle and trade union activities are prohibited and declared a state crime.

It is social demagogy and, above all, the preaching of "national socialism" that distinguish fascism from other authoritarian regimes, under which bourgeois democracy is also liquidated, but this is done without "theoretical justification" and not under "socialist" slogans.

Currently, fascism in its "classical" form does not exist anywhere. However, various kinds of tyrannical regimes have become widespread enough, under which all the institutions of bourgeois democracy are completely destroyed. “Where the usual forms of suppression of the working people do not work, imperialism implants and supports tyrannical regimes for direct military reprisals against progressive forces.”

Italy.

Fascism took root in Italy earlier than in other European countries. Here he was born.

Among the great European victorious powers, Italy was the most exhausted by the First World War. Industry, finance, agriculture were in a desperate situation. There has never been such unemployment and poverty anywhere. Nowhere was there a corresponding rise in the strike struggle.

Everything spoke of a revolutionary situation: the rapid growth of trade unions, the extraordinary victory of the socialists in the parliamentary elections in 1919 (31% of the votes), the seizure of factories and factories by workers, landlord lands by peasants and farm laborers.

The seizures of factories and plants were a response to the offensive of entrepreneurs (lockouts; suspension of production). The movement reaches its greatest scope at the end of the summer of 1920. Dozens of enterprises (in Milan, Turin and other cities) came under the control of workers (their chosen leaders). Industrial output has increased. A strict order was followed. Equipment, buildings, raw materials, etc. were carefully guarded

In Turin, where the workers were most organized, the factories remained under their control for three weeks.

The revolutionary situation forced the bourgeois governments of Italy to undertake important reforms. Among them, we note: the law on social insurance of unemployment, the decree on the admissibility of unauthorized seizure of uncultivated land.

In 1921, the Italian Communist Party appears.

At the congress of the Socialist Party in Livorno, the party split into centrists (Serrati's group) and communists. The latter spoke in favor of joining the Third International.

Soon, after the end of the world war, the first fascist organizations appeared in Italy. Composed of various elements, they initially came out with a program designed to win back the working people from the socialist movement.

The program was so deceitful that later, when the fascists came to power, it was not allowed to mention it. They talked about the 8-hour working day, about universal, direct and equal suffrage for men and women, about freedom of the press and even the equality of nations.

The very word "fascio", from which "fascism" is derived, was borrowed from the peasant organizations of Sicily, who used it in the sense of "unity"

The revolutionary events of 1920 forced the fascists to take the class position that corresponded to their real goals.

Fighting groups of the fascists, led by demobilized and embittered army officers, smashed and destroyed people's houses created with workers' money, workers' clubs, printing houses belonging to the progressive press, etc. The leaders of workers' unions, peasant associations, and cooperatives were subjected to mass terror. Italy knew nothing of the kind.

The government not only did not interfere with the fascists, but even encouraged them. Fascism receives powerful patrons in the person of the General Confederation of Industrialists and Landlord Unions. Money flows along with patronage. The number of fascist organizations is growing.

In 1922, taking advantage of the weakness of the government (and even more of the split in the labor movement), the fascist leadership created a committee to seize power and sent 40 thousand of its "black shirts" to a campaign against Rome.

The government had every opportunity to quickly and finally stop the putsch: it was enough to open fire “for a quarter of an hour”, as General Badoglio suggested to the king.

But the king and his camarilla made a different decision: the head of the "jackal" party Mussolini was appointed Prime Minister of Italy.

The new government began by repealing the decree on the right of peasants to seize uncultivated land, with reactionary changes in labor legislation, with the establishment of cruelty against the trade unions, with the persecution of democratic organizations. Fascist fighting units became part of the repressive government apparatus.

Not daring to disperse parliament yet. Mussolini and his clique passed a law according to which two-thirds of parliamentary seats automatically receive the party for which one-fourth of the voters vote. This act, surprising in its cynicism, made it possible to foresee what Italy would become after the elections.

Election results (1924 year ) suspiciously accurate with Mussolini's plans: 12 million votes 4 million were considered pro-fascist. Fascist militia - the main culprit of "victory" - triumphed.

But democracy was not killed. In the person of the socialist Mateotti, deputy, orator, courageous person, she exposed the comedy of elections and at the same time the venality and corruption of the leaders of the new regime, especially Mussolini himself.

The fascists killed Mateotti. A wave of indignation swept across the country. The working masses were ready to sweep away fascism. It was necessary to seize the moment. But the position that has had an impact is the socialists, the republicans. "Popolari" (Catholic party) - preferred a tactically erroneous departure from parliament, a boycott of the latter.

Having dealt with the opposition and consolidated in power, the Mussolini government goes on the offensive against democracy. By the January 1926 law, it arrogates to itself the right to issue decrees in addition to parliament. Following this, the fascist regime unfolds in all its glory.

The "emergency laws" followed one another. They banned trade unions (with the exception of the state fascist) and political parties (with the exception of one fascist); they reinstated the death penalty for “political crimes”; they introduced emergency justice (tribunals) and administrative (out-of-court) expulsion; the communist party was outlawed; local government bodies were abolished: government-appointed officials (podesta) took their place.

Democratic freedoms were abandoned. The opposition press is closed. Thousands of Democrats were killed by trial and without trial, thrown into concentration camps, where the same was awaiting them. death, only slow and painful.

Any new intensification of terror was usually provoked by some kind of "assassination attempt", "conspiracy", etc. In November 1926, a 15-year-old boy was killed on the spot for attempting to assassinate Mussolini. A wave of arrests, death sentences, etc. immediately followed.

The political regime of Italian fascism took shape faster than its political system took shape.

The Piedmont Statute known to us was not abolished, but there was no correspondence between it and what became under fascism. The monarchy was preserved, but in such a pitiful form that no one took it into account. It was believed that Mussolini was responsible to the king, as it was even written in the laws, but no one believed, and least of all the king. Any mention of Duce's responsibility was not recommended. The gendarmerie followed this.

Before others the tendency of "leaderism", the one-man dictatorship, was defined.

Already the 1925 law "On the powers of the head of government" made the prime minister irresponsible, independent of parliament. His colleagues in the ministry, his ministers have turned into simple assistants, responsible to their head; they were appointed and removed at the will of the latter.

For many years (until 1936) Mussolini held 7 ministerial posts at the same time. The 1926 Law “On the Right of the Executive Power to Issue Legal Norms” granted the “executive power”, that is, the same head of government, the right to issue “decrees - laws”. At the same time, no line was drawn between the “laws” that remained within the competence of parliament and “decrees-laws”.

Parliament, deprived of the privilege of legislating and depriving it of the right to control the actions of the government, became unnecessary. But it was kept to “demonstrate unity” between the “people” and the government (partly for the outside world).

The "proper" composition of parliament was ensured by the "reform of the political government" carried out in 1928.

This reform unusually vividly portrayed the very essence of fascism: fear of the people and contempt for them; adherence to high-profile phrases and unsurpassed examples of political deception, playing in the "nationality" of power and outright fictitiousness.

The elections of deputies were carried out as follows: a). The candidates for deputies were nominated mainly by trade unions (in practice, by the leading centers of fascist unions); b). the so-called large national council of fascism (party headquarters) selected 400 from the general list presented by the trade unions deputies; c) voters were given the right to approve this appointment -

A) paid contributions to the trade union;

B) paid a tax of at least 100 liras;

C) held securities (government or bank);

D ) Belonged to the church clergy;

The second quickly emerging tendency concerned the fascist party: it became an integral part of the state apparatus.

Party conventions were canceled, as were all forms party "self-government".

The great council of the fascist party consisted of officials by office and by appointment. The chairman of the council was the head of government. The Council was in charge of constitutional issues, discussed the most important bills, and appointments to responsible posts came from it.

The party charter was approved by royal decree; the official party leader ("secretary") was appointed by the king on the proposal of the head of government. The provincial organizations of the party were led by secretaries appointed from above: the directories under them had consultative functions, but even the members of these directories were appointed by decree of the head of government.

The third trend can be defined by the word terror.The fascist regime cannot maintain itself otherwise than by means of mass suppression, by bloody reprisals. Accordingly, the importance of the police is determined, or rather the many police services that were created under the Mussolini regime.

In addition to the general police, there were: "organization of protection against anti-fascist crimes" (OVRA), "special service of political investigations", "voluntary militia of national security"

To deal with the enemies of the regime, special commissions were created , called "police courts". The members of these commissions were officials of the fascist repressive apparatus: the chief of police, the prosecutor, the chief of the fascist militia, etc. No other motives were required for conviction except suspicion of “political unreliability”. The most important political cases were considered by a “special tribunal”. It was he who condemned Antonio Gramsci, the outstanding founder and leader of the Italian Communist Party, to 20 years in prison.

No anti-people regime can be supported by violence alone. Hence the need to cover up the totalitarian dictatorship with some semblance of "care" for the working person.

This is how the "corporate state" was born, created by the laws of 1926-1934. Its official, flaunting goal was "reconciliation" between labor and capital; its real result was the strengthening of the economic and political dominance of the monopolies.

22 corporations were created in the country (by industry). Each of them included a representative of the fascist trade unions, business unions, and the fascist party. Mussolini himself became the chairman of each of the 22 corporations; he also headed the ministry of corporations.

The law provided corporations with a definition of working conditions (working hours, wages) and the resolution of labor disputes (strikes were prohibited and suppressed). But each time the decisions were made to the invariable benefit of the entrepreneurs, the disadvantage of the workers. This is understandable if we keep in mind that unions, employers and party representatives had an equal voice in corporations, and union leaders (not to mention party officials) was corrupt and bribery from top to bottom. Nobody chose it, it did not answer in any way with its actions before the trade union masses.

The establishment of the corporate system allowed Mussolini to do away with parliament, with what was left of it. Instead, a "chamber of fascist organizations and corporations" was created. Its members were appointed by Mussolini in 1938.

The rights of the chamber were defined as follows: cooperation with the government in making laws.

The fascist corporate state was the weapon of the monopolies. But the monopolies also willingly served the interests of the fascists at the party and state leaders.

In the hands of Mussolini and his relative Ciano were controlling stakes in the well-known concern Montekantini (the profits of this chemical concern increase from 67 million lire in 1937 to 160 million lira in 1937) and many others.

An integral property of the fascist dictatorship is external expansion. Mussolini claimed to “revive the Roman Empire”.

Fascist Italy claimed some French lands (Savoie, Nice, Corsica), claimed Malta, tried to seize the island of Corfu, hoped to establish dominance over Austria (before the alliance with Hitler's Germany), was preparing to seize East Africa.

In the implementation of this program, which in no way corresponded to the military ability of Italy, Mussolini succeeded in capturing weak, backward Abyssinia (1936), occupying Albania (1938).

In June 1940, Italy - Germany and Japan's partner in the anti-Comintern pact - declared war on France and England. After some time, she attacked Greece. The Italian fascist press was filled with promises of an imminent great afro-European Roman Empire. The end was not like that at all.

Hitlerite Germany

The history of the Weimar Republic presents a picture of an acute struggle between the powerful industrial and financial monopolies, on the one hand, and highly organized detachments of the working class, on the other.

November revolution despite to defeat, long made itself felt. In 1923 Germany is experiencing a revolutionary situation again. Workers' governments arose in Saxony and Thuringia. The Hamburg uprising of 1923 became a glorious page in the historian of the German working class.

The situation had barely stabilized when the economic the crisis of 1929. The level of industrial production dropped by almost half, and the unemployed became 9 million people.

The popular masses went over to the side of the Communist Party. In the 1930 elections, she received 4.5 million votes - by 1 300,000 more than in 1928.

Gripped by fear of a new revolution, the German monopolies decided to hand over power to Hitler's fascist party.

This party, officially called the "National Socialist Workers' Party", emerged in 1919; its program, lying in its advertised part, was designed to attract a certain section of the dissatisfied - from backward workers to shopkeepers.

She heralded the creation of a new German "Reich", a great empire built on the bones of all non-German peoples, "the eradication of Marxism and communism", the physical extermination of Jews.

Foreseeing the danger of a fascist coup, the German Communist Party invited the left forces, especially the Social Democrats, to unite in a united anti-Nazi front. The offer was rejected. The Social Democratic leaders announced that they would not put up resistance to Hitler if he came to power "by legal means." They meant observance of the constitutional procedure: elections, instructions to form a government, etc. This argument, based on the positivist principle "law is law," admiration for legality to "legal cretinism." It was as if the Nazis themselves were coming to power in a legal way, without violence. no blackmail, no deception.

In the elections of the Reichstag held in August 1932, the Nazis received 13 million votes - far from the majority. They tried to fix the matter in November, but unexpectedly, in a matter of two or three months, they lost 2 million voters.

At the same time, the Communist Party won 600,000 new votes. Six million voters voted for her.

The results of the November elections were unexpected for the monopoly masters of Germany. At a special meeting in January 1933, they decided to call Hitler to power. President Hindenburg, who had just vowed that he would not allow the "Austrian corporal," like Hitler at one time, to take over, backed down and carried out their will by his own order.

Three circumstances contributed to the establishment of the fascist dictatorship in Germany:

a) the monopoly bourgeoisie found in it the desired way out of the acute political situation created by the economic crisis;

B) the petty bourgeoisie and some strata of the peasantry saw in the demagogic promise of the Hitlerite party the fulfillment of hopes to alleviate the economic difficulties caused by the growth of monopolies and aggravated by the crisis;

C) the working class of Germany - and this is almost the main thing, turned out to be split and therefore disarmed: the communist party was not strong enough to stop fascism in addition to and against social democracy.

The political system, the political regimes of fascist Italy and Nazi Germany show more similarities, than the differences.

No wonder Mussolini admitted: "Fascism and National Socialism are two parallel currents in history."

Just as in Italy fascism, in Germany Nazism began with the elimination of bourgeois democratic freedoms. These purposes were served by a whole series of emergency decrees falling in the first months of 1933.

All of them were given loud names: the meaner the content was, the louder they shouted "for the good of the people and the state."

The February decree, entitled "In Defense of the People and the State," abolished freedom of the individual, speech, press, and assembly. The February "emergency" decree "In Defense of the German People" gave unlimited powers to the police, etc.

Unheard-of repression came first and foremost . all against the communists. Members of the Communist Party in the Reichstag were stripped of their mandates and arrested. The party itself was banned (March 1933), its press was closed.

In their own way as usual, the Nazis resorted to provocation. They have made it, like systematic deception, a regular tool of politics. Hitler taught to lie to the people and, moreover, to lie big, because small lies, he believed, cause less confidence.

On the night of February 28, 1933, the Nazis set fire to the Reichstag building. They did this in order to obtain a pretext to persecute the Communist Party. Bulgarian communist Georgi Dimitrov, who was in Germany, and several other communists were arrested and tried on charges atthe burning of the Reichstag.

Dimitrov, with extraordinary dignity and courage, exposed the Nazis' crime. The famous Leipzig trial, with which they wanted to discredit not only the German communists, but the entire international communist movement, ended with the acquittal of Dimitrov and the other accused communists.

Nevertheless, a real persecution of the communists was unfolding in the country. Since 1933, thousands of KKE members have been thrown into prisons and concentration camps. Communists perished in dungeons and in “attempts to escape”. Ernst Thälmann, an outstanding leader of the German proletariat and leader of the Communist Party, was also arrested.

Shortly before the end of the war, the Nazis killed him.

Soon it was the turn of all other parties, including the bourgeois ones. Only the Nazi Party got the right to exist .

The Social Democratic Party was also persecuted; the Nazis taught them a practical lesson in legality and constitutionality.

The trade unions of working people in Germany were disbanded, the funds of these unions were confiscated. Using the experience of Italy, the Nazis created their own "trade unions" into which people were forcibly driven.

The Nazi Party became part of the government machine. Staying in the Reichstag and in the civil service was bound by an oath of allegiance to "National Socialism"

The central and local bodies of the fascist party had government functions. The decisions of the party congresses received the force of law.

The party had a special structure. Party members had to unquestioningly obey the orders of the local “Fuhrer”, who (as in Italy) were appointed from above.

In the direct subordination of the party center were executioner "assault squads" (SA), security detachments (SS) and some special military units, staffed by fanatical supporters of Hitler.

Crimes committed by party members were heard by special courts in secret sessions. More often than not, they got away with criminal offenses. Loyalty is important, Hitler insisted, and if you pick off something, don't give a damn about it,

Particular revenge in the system of the repressive apparatus was taken by the tel police - the Gestapo, which had a huge apparatus, significant means and unlimited powers.

As in Italy, we see not one police here, but several. The Gestapo is subordinate to the government. Stormtroopers and SS men are parties. One police watched the other, and neither one trusted the other.

The state power of fascist Germany was concentrated in the government, government power in the person of the “Fuhrer”.

Already the law of March 24, 1033 allowed the imperial government, without asking for parliamentary sanctions, to impose acts that "evade the constitution."

The August 1934 law abolished the office of the president, and transferred his powers to the “Fuhrer,” who at the same time remained the head of the government and the party. Not responsible to anyone, the "Fuhrer" was in this role for life and could appoint a successor to himself.

The Reichstag was preserved, but only for ceremonial demonstrations. Sometimes, for demagogic and foreign policy purposes, the Nazis conducted "popular polls." At the same time, it was announced in advance that anyone who exercised the right to vote in secret would be considered an "enemy of the people."

As in Italy, local governments were destroyed in Germany. The division into lands, and, accordingly, land landtags, was abolished "in the name of the unity of the nation." The administration of the regions was entrusted to officials who were appointed by the government.

The Weimar Constitution, which had not been formally abolished, ceased to be effective.

The processes characteristic of imperialism found their complete expression in the Hitlerite Reich. A close and direct connection existed here between the party, the state, the monopolies - economic giants such as Farbenindustri, the auto giant Krupp, and others.

The law of February 27, 1934 in Germany established economic chambers - imperial and provincial. They were headed by representatives of the monopolies. The Chambers had important powers in regulating economic life.

The results showed up quickly: the average working day rose from 8 to 10-12 hours, while real wages in 1935 were only 70% of the 1933 wages. Accordingly, the profits of the monopolies grew: the income of the Steel Trust, for example, amounted to 8.6 million marks in 1933 and 27 million in 1940.

Using government power, the chambers of commerce carried out artificial cartels, as a result of which small businesses were taken over by large ones. Peasants and traders, artisans and handicraftsmen, who expected economic benefits from fascism, were deceived: they received neither land, nor credit, nor deferral of debts.

From the first days of power, the Nazis began to prepare for a "big war", which was supposed to ensure the German nation's dominance over the whole world.

Unilaterally, with the benevolent attitude of the United States, Britain and the Faction, Germany breaks the Treaty of Versailles and creates a colossal war machine. In 1939, Hitler gave the order to start military operations against Poland. World War II began.

Japan

The ruling classes of Japan to a particular degree, as we already know, gravitated towards the military-monarchical dictatorship. It could not be otherwise, since the competitive ability of Japanese industry was ensured by the low standard of living of the worker, which could be kept thanks to the very beggarly existence of the Japanese peasant who agreed to any job and for any pay.

While 74% of the peasants owned 22% of the land, a handful of landowners owned 42%. Four million peasant farms had tiny plots (0.5 hectares each) or had no land at all. It is understandable why the peasants rushed to the cities. Economic and political interests closely linked the Japanese monopolies with the landlords and the professional military.

This union pursued two main goals: to curb the working class and peasantry, on the one hand, and to conquer foreign markets for Japanese industry, on the other. The subsistence farming village almost never bought industrial products. The domestic market was inevitably narrow. Only a land reform could turn a natural peasant economy into a commodity one, but the landlords did not want it.

The capitalists generally did not want to quarrel with the landowners, with the reactionary nobility: they both had a common enemy - the proletariat and the peasantry.

The way out of this situation was the conquest of foreign territories, the conquest of foreign markets. Hence the advancement of military force, an aggressive foreign policy, hence the above alliance.

No major imperialist state has implemented so timidly and so inconsistently few liberal reforms as Japan.

In 1925, "universal" male suffrage was introduced here, while the right to vote was deprived of military personnel, students, persons who did not have a year's residency qualification, who enjoyed charity, and, finally, the heads of noble families (so that the latter would not be mixed with other citizens) ... A large deposit in the amount of 2,000 yen was demanded from the candidate for deputy, which went to the treasury if it turned out that the candidate did not get the minimum of votes. Among other liberal reforms, we note the introduction of the jury.

And nowhere - until the establishment of a military-monarchical dictatorship - was it carried out in such

scale, as in Japan, the struggle against the labor movement.

Let us point out, for example, the law "On the Protection of Public Peace" of 1925, which established long-term hard labor for participation in organizations that chain the destruction of private property and changes in the political system.

In 1928, the Japanese government banned all leftist organizations. Thousands of workers and peasants were thrown into prisons. A special decree established a long prison sentence for rank-and-file communists and the death penalty for Communist Party activists.

In 1938, the Japanese parliament passed the notorious "law on the general mobilization of the nation", which allowed entrepreneurs to lengthen the working day at their discretion and reduce wages. The strikes were declared a crime. Conflicts between workers and capitalists were referred to the final decision of the arbitration section of the "special police" ..

The Japanese parliament played an insignificant role. The lower chamber met for no more than three months a year. The remaining 9 months the government (using the right to issue decrees) legislated itself.

The constitution did not establish the responsibility of the government to parliament, as a result of which the chamber did not have the means to effectively influence politics. At the same time, the government, having resorted to the imperial decree, could dissolve the chamber at any time.

Encouraged by big capital, various fascist organizations multiplied and grew stronger in the country. One of them, which united the "young officers", but led by generals, demanded the liquidation of parliament and party offices. She wanted to establish a military-fascist dictatorship led by the emperor.

In 1932, the "young officers" started a real military mutiny. Instead of pacifying its participants, the government went to meet their demands: the party cabinet was eliminated, and generals and admirals came to replace it.

There was a pattern in all this. The consistent strengthening of the role of the military in determining policy, their penetration into all important posts in the state apparatus served, albeit in a peculiar way, to subordinate the Japanese state machine to a handful of the largest, most aggressive monopolies that yearned for a war outside and the preservation of brutal forms of exploitation within the country.

Already in 1933, Japan left the League of Nations and invaded China, intending to turn it into a colony. She twice makes an attempt to invade the territory of the USSR: the first time at Lake Khanka, the second at Lake Khasan, but each time with huge damage to herself.

Cherishing the cherished plan to enslave Asia and Oceania. Japan joins the alliance with Hitlerite Germany. Borrowing from the latter the slogans of the “new order,” “the chosen race,” and the “historical mission,” Japan was preparing for a redivision of the world so that the “great nation” would receive “great territory”.

Fascization of the Japanese state system developed with the outbreak of World War II and during it.

In 1940, the Japanese ruling circles, but especially the generals, made Prince Konoe, the former ideologist of the totalitarian military-fascist regime, as prime minister. The most important positions in the government were assigned to representatives of heavy industry concerns.

Following this, the creation of the so-called new political structure begins. In pursuance of this plan, political parties (with the exception, of course, of the communist one) announced their dissolution. Together, they formed the "Association for the Aid to the Throne" - a government organization funded and run by the government.

The organs of the local association were the so-called neighborhood communities - a medieval institution revived by reaction. Each such community united 10-12 families. Several communities constituted the "association of a street", a village, etc.

The Throne Aid Association instructed community members to monitor the behavior of neighbors and report everything they saw. One community had to watch over the other.

In factories and factories, instead of the banned trade unions, "societies serving the fatherland through production" were created, where workers were driven by force. Here, in the same way, they sought mutual surveillance and blind obedience.

The unification of the press, the strictest censorship, and chauvinist propaganda became an indispensable element of the “new political structure”. There could be no talk of any "freedoms".

Economic life was controlled by special associations of industrialists and financiers, endowed with administrative powers. This was called the "new economic structure". The Japanese parliament, or rather what is left of it, has lost all significance. Its members were appointed by the government or (which is the same thing) were elected according to special lists drawn up by the government.

This is how the main signs of fascism were identified. But there were some differences:

a) In Germany and Italy, the fascist parties controlled the army, in Japan it was the army that played the role of the main hands of the leading political force;

b) both in Italy and in Japan, fascism did not liquidate the monarchy; the difference is that the Italian king did not play the slightest role, while the Japanese emperor did not in the least lose his absolute power, nor his influence (all institutions associated with the monarchy, such as the Privy Council, etc., have survived).

Japanese fascism appeared in a specific form of a military-monarchical dictatorship.

Other fascist states

In order to get an idea of \u200b\u200bwhat capitalism was in the period between the two world wars, one should not lose sight of those "small" countries where we were politically as fascist as in Germany, or close to it.

The military coup of 1923 in Bulgaria was essentially fascist, which eliminated the government of the “farmers” (Prime Minister Stamboliysky was brutally killed in this case) and transferred power to the executioner of the Bulgarian people Tsankov.

The coup was carried out mainly by the Military League. The Bulgarian reaction that supported the "league" was irritated by the measures of Stambopiysky, which hurt big business, in particular the progressive income tax, etc., it was very alarmed by the great success of the Communist Party in the elections (more than 200 thousand votes) and its growing influence. The coup was promoted by the anti-communist (and anti-labor) policy of the "landowners", Stamboliyskiy's attack on the Communist Party.

Tsankov's government canceled the progressive undertakings of the "farmers", including the agrarian law. The working day was increased to 12 hours. In fact, Sunday and holiday rest was eliminated. Mass arrests of communists were undertaken.

In this situation, the Bulgarian Communist Party decided to create a united front of democratic organizations in order to overthrow the fascist dictatorship by armed means. The uprising was started in September 1923, continued to press for about two weeks, but was suppressed.

By falsifying a "victory" in the elections to the People's Assembly, Tsankov's regime tried to strengthen its existence with the terrorist law "On the protection of the state." It provided for criminal punishment for belonging to the Communist Party and even "for the communist way of thinking." Then the trade unions were disbanded, etc.

Tsankov's government lasted three years. Over the next few years, the Bulgarian bourgeois parties tried to rule with methods that approached the bourgeois-democratic.

The working class got the opportunity to restore trade unions: the Communist Party remained banned, but the legal Workers' Party was allowed through which the Communists participated in elections, conducted legal work in the trade unions, etc.

In 1934, the reactionary officers, united by the Zveno party, staged a new military coup. The self-proclaimed government (K. Georgieva) disperses parliament, dissolves political parties, except for the government, prohibits any political activity in general.

Eight months later, the government of the military dictatorship gives way to the government of the monarchical dictatorship.

The logical consequence of these processes was the orientation towards fascist Germany. In March 1941, as an ally of Germany, Bulgaria recalled being drawn into the Second World War.

In 1526, a military-fascist coup takes place in Poland. Its reasons in many respects are typical: economic collapse, a sharp exacerbation of the class struggle in town and country, the reluctance of the ruling bourgeois-landowner bloc to give up even a little of its interests.

In some studies devoted to the analysis and history of the Polish constitution of 1921, the interwar period of Polish history is divided into three stages: the stage of formal application of the application of the 1921 constitution, accompanied by the prohibition of the communist party, suppression of the democratic and national liberation movements; the stage of “initial fascisation of political life” (1926-1935) and the stage of “intensified fascisation”, marked by the adoption and introduction of the reactionary constitution of 1935. In our days, let us note that this kind of periodization has undergone revision: this especially applies to the intensified fascisation, ”which, as it were, did not exist.

In many ways, the political consequences of a military coup turned out to be typical: the actual power was concentrated in the hands of the “chief inspector of the armed forces,” such as Piłsudski, and this was no secret to anyone; the president of the republics - a creature of Pilsudski - received the right and the building of acts, in their subject matter and force of action, did not differ from the law, the parliament, insignificant and dependent, could be dispersed at a single word from Pilsudski.

A series of criminal laws and the omnipotence of the police crowned this regime.

The experience of the Pilsudski military dictatorship was embodied in the 1935 constitution. She creates one real power. - the power of the president. He is responsible “to God and history for the fate of the state”; "In his person is concentrated a single and indivisible (!) State power", under his leadership are: the government, the Seim and the Senate (Parliament), the armed forces, the court, state control.

The president appoints at his discretion (and not according to parliamentary traditions) the chairman of the council of ministers, and then the ministers themselves, convenes and dissolves the parliament, concludes and ratifies international treaties, commands the armed forces, appoints to public office, etc. He influences the choice of the successor, and in certain cases appoints the future president; "Recalls", and also "at his own discretion", the prime minister, the chairman of the Supreme Court, the highest military commanders, exercises the right of pardon. The president is given the right to prosecute members of the government, which even some kings, such as English, did not have.

Presidential decrees, the constitution says, have the force of law. Finally, he is given the right to impose a state of exception throughout the country and with all the ensuing consequences.

After all this, is it worth mentioning the parliament, especially since the staffing of the latter began to depend on the government (one third of the Senate was directly appointed by presidential decree).

The Pilsudski regime had tragic consequences. When Nazi Germany invaded Poland in 1939, the country's fate was decided during the first ten days of the struggle.

The 1923 Constitution introduced in Romania had formal significance in many respects. This is especially true of the circle of bourgeois-democratic freedoms that she proclaimed under the influence of the moment.

Already in 1924, the Communist Party was driven underground by a series of reactionary laws, the trade unions were placed under government control, and restrictions on arrests for political reasons were lifted. The military tribunals are on full swing.

Contrary to "freedom of speech and press", imprisonment threatened anyone accused of promoting democratic ideas (the law "On social security").

Universal (male) suffrage became all the more a fiction when the law of 1926 introduced a "bonus" for a party that collected 40 votes: it received 60% of all mandates.

The fascisation of the Romanian political system, which was insisted on by reactionary organizations like the Iron Guard, was accelerated during the years of the world economic crisis.

Hundreds of businesses were closed. Accordingly, the number of unemployed and hungry people increased. The wages of workers, always low, barely reached 60% of the 1929 level. The peasants' debts for debts and taxes increased to 150 billion lei, hundreds of thousands of them went bankrupt.

Strikes and peasant unrest, which means mass shootings and reprisals followed each other.

The strike movement, led by the Communist Party of Romania, reached a particular scale in 1933. The largest strikes in the history of the labor movement were the strikes of railroad and oil workers dating back to this time.

In this situation, the Romanian ruling classes decided to take advantage of Hitler's experience. They helped to strengthen the "Iron Guard", intensified the influence of the court on political life, and nullified the importance of parliament.

In 1938, King Carol II of Romania, having received support from the monopolies, landowners and generals, carried out a military coup, revoked the 1925 constitution and concentrated all power in his hands. Political parties and trade unions were disbanded, parliament was dispersed, democratic freedoms were finally abolished.

Military-monarchical Romania tied its fate with the fate of the German fascist district. Actual power was concentrated in the hands of General Antonescu, who was closely associated with Hitler. Having crushed his rivals in the government (leaders of the "Iron Guard"), Antonescu became the sole "conductor" of Romania (1940). The military - fascist dictatorship acquired all its properties and qualities.

On June 22, 1941, on the same day as Germany, fascist Romania attacked the Soviet Union.

The establishment of the fascist dictatorship in Spain played a special role in the history of pre-war Europe.

Its first period falls on 1923-1939 biennium The military coup carried out by General Primo de Rivera in 1923 with the direct assistance of the monarchy, ended with the dispersal of parliament (Cortes), the abolition of bourgeois freedoms and constitutional guarantees (personal immunity), the dissolution of political parties, and the transfer of power into the hands of the military junta.

The military coup was aided by the Spanish colonial adventure in Morocco. The infamous defeats of the Spanish army in the struggle against the Reef tribes, who fought under the leadership of Abd-el-Kerim, increased the general discontent with the dirty war, and along with the government that waged it.

By abolishing the 8-hour work day decree and by prohibiting strikes on pain of criminal punishment, Primo de Rivera sought to consolidate the rule of the bourgeoisie over the working class by introducing a corporate system on the Italian model.

As in Italy, "corporations" were created, made up of entrepreneurs, representatives of admitted (government) trade unions and government officials.

But it was all in vain. The Spanish working class did not submit to the dictatorship. The peasant masses waged a stubborn struggle for land. The ruling junta was torn by bickering for power. The continuation of the military dictatorship threatened a revolutionary explosion. In January 1930, Primo de Rivero relinquished power and emigrated from the country.

The collapse of the dictatorship was followed by the overthrow of the monarchs (April 1931) .

Events unfolded quickly. In the anti-monarchist movement, a variety of forces rallied - from workers and peasants to left-bourgeois parties and socialists.

The monarchy tried to save itself with partial concessions, but to no avail. It was not only a matter of the monarchy itself, but also of all those remnants of the past that it defended: the rule of the landlords, the Catholic Church and military juntas, the absence of freedoms, social and national oppression.

In April 1931, the Republicans won brilliant municipal elections. Following this, they form republican governments, first in Barcelona, \u200b\u200band as a son-in-law in Madrid. King Alphonse fled to France.

The revolution that abolished the Spanish monarchy was bourgeois-democratic. The constitution of the Spanish Republic, approved in 1931, turned out to be the same in its content.

Constituent Assembly.

Article 1 of the constitution reads "Spain is a democratic republic of workers of all classes, built on the principles of freedom and justice"

The following principles followed the declaration: equality of all before by law; renunciation of the state religion and separation of church from state, equal right for all regardless of origin, gender, wealth, political views, etc .; inviolability. persons and homes, freedom of speech and press, inviolability of correspondence, the right of assembly and association.

Legislative power was vested in the Parliament (Cortes), recruited on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret ballot. The right to vote was granted to citizens of both sexes from the age of 23.

Catalonia became an autonomous region within a single Spanish republic.

The constitution declared feudal relations liquidated and promised agrarian reform. The Constituent Assembly passed laws on the 8-hour workday and social security.

All this was not destined to come true. The agrarian reform boiled down to giving 70 thousand hectares to two million poor people, the law on social insurance, like many others, remained on paper.

In an atmosphere of general dissatisfaction with the outcome of the revolution, a division of forces takes place. While the working class was split through the fault of the Social Democratic leaders and the Communist Party was not strong enough, the reaction, rich and powerful, is uniting in the so-called Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Rights. In the 1933 elections, she managed to win a major victory and form a government.

The reactionary course of the right-wing parties. their outright rejection of the conquests of the revolution provoked the famous uprising of the Asturian miners, supported by the uprising in Catalonia and the general strike in Madrid, Seville and other cities. With the help of Moroccan troops and a foreign legion, the government suppressed the uprising: 2 thousand miners were killed and at least 30 thousand were sentenced to imprisonment. The autonomy of Catalonia was eliminated.

During the period of the "black two years", which were named especially gloomy 1934-1935, the reaction managed to eliminate the main social achievements of the revolution: the peasants were driven from the land, the workers more than others experienced the consequences of the counter-revolutionary terror. The Communist Party had to go underground.

Nevertheless, the triumph of reaction was illusory. Each new step of hers intensified the crisis of the regime, contributed to the departure of her former supporters. A revolutionary situation was brewing in the country. The Popular Front emerged, consisting of communists, socialists, republicans, members of the General Labor Union, and others.

In the elections that took place in February 1936, history taught the right-wing an instructive lesson: the Popular Front parties won 268 seats in parliament (out of 473).

The left-leaning government that emerged after the elections returned the country to the conquests of the revolution: political prisoners were released from prison, the autonomy of Catalonia was restored, and accepted. laws that improved the position of the workers, the implementation of the agrarian reform began.

The victory of the Popular Front activated Spanish fascism, which was grouped in the "Phalanx" party and around it. In mid-July 1936 in Spanish Morocco, and after that in many cities of Spain itself, a military-fascist rebellion began, the head of which was General Franco.

The rebels received generous help - military materials and men - from Germany and Italy. The governments of England and France were on their side.

Thousands of wonderful Democratic fighters from all over the world came to the aid of Republican Spain. They created an international brigade that covered itself with eternal glory. Of course, the Soviet people were also on the side of the republicans,

The people of Spain, and especially the Spanish communists, fought heroically. The whole world watched the outcome of this struggle, some with fear, others with admiration and hope.

The Spanish Civil War lasted two and a half years (32 months). What the republicans were fighting for, they tried to implement already during the war: it was criminalized to nationalize large-scale industry, more than 300 thousand peasant families received five and a half million hectares of land free of charge, laws on a 48-hour working week, labor protection , social security. Not only Catalonia, but also the Basque Country received national autonomy.

At the end of 1936, the martial law of the Spanish Republic worsened. In January 1939, Barcelona fell. At the end of March, Spanish fascism triumphed.

A few months later, General Franco became both in law and in fact the sole dictator of Spain.

While the army, like England and France, pursued a policy of non-interference in Spanish affairs, which meant conniving at fascism, the Soviet Union, despite all the difficulties, supplied Republican Spain with weapons, and Soviet volunteers, mainly tankers and pilots, took a direct part in the battles against the fascist armies ...

The gains of the revolution were annulled. Labor legislation was abolished, labor contracts, trade unions, strikes, etc. were prohibited. The peasants were false to return the land to the landowners and pay (for all three years) the rent. Rampant terror raged throughout the country.

In fact, participating in the war on the side of Nazi Germany, helping her with resources and people, Spain was considered legally "neutral". Mode Franco survived the war for a long time, surviving until November 1975, that is, until the death of the dictator.

In 1927, after a counterrevolutionary coup by the right wing of the Kuomintang party (headed by Chiang Kai-shek), a counter-revolutionary, pro-fascist regime was established in China.

It is preceded by a war, begun, as mentioned above, by the Cantonic government against the militarists of the North (“Northern Expedition2”). The small overhead national revolutionary army, which set out in 1926 from Canton (in southern China), received the broadest support of the workers and peasants. It quickly developed into a major military force. Soon, Central China was conquered from the militarists (a clique of generals who divided the country among themselves), and then Shanghai, the largest industrial city and port of China.

The war has awakened revolutionary energy. Peasants secretly seized the land of the landowners, formed unions that took power. The Communist Party of China grew rapidly (it emerged in 1921.

The rise of the revolutionary movement frightened the national bourgeoisie that led the Kuomintang. It goes over to the camp of reaction, helping to establish the dictatorship of the counter-revolutionary section of the Kuomintang.

Quickly negotiating with its recent militarist opponents, Chiang Kai-shek's clique is establishing itself in Beijing. With this, according to Kuomintang terminology, the "stage of military power" ended, and the so-called political tutelage of the Kuomintang party over the people began.

Constitution of 1931 years, consolidated the actually established system of "trusteeship" by transferring all legislative power into the hands of the Kuomintang Congress, and all executive power to the government formed by the central authority (CEC). The head of government, formally and practically irresponsible, was endowed with the functions of president, prime minister, commander of the armed forces, etc.

There were no freedoms, and neither did local government. Everywhere dominated the "pacification commissioners" who were at the same time the commanders of the local military forces.

By its class character, the Kuomintang dictatorship was a counter-revolutionary dictatorship of the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie.

The need for “political tutelage” was usually explained by the “unpreparedness” of the people for democratic constitutional rule. It was the Chiang Kai-shek who undertook to teach this.

The Kuomintang failed to extend its power to the entire territory of China. As a result of a series of uprisings (especially the Cantonese), regions of the revolutionary workers 'and peasants' red power appeared in the country. They merge into a single workers 'and peasants' republic (although they exist in a dispersed manner). In 1931, a congress of workers 'and peasants' deputies took place, which adopted a law on agrarian reform, an 8-hour working day, etc. The congress elected a central Soviet government and approved the constitution of the Soviet republic.

In 1933, the Workers 'and Peasants' Republic of China occupied an area with a population of 60 million.

The Kuomintang army and the Red Army of the workers 'and peasants' republic were in a state of continuous war. Military efforts of the Kuomintang aimed at eliminating "areas red power ”, were unsuccessful for a long time. Only in 1934, he managed to achieve success. The Red Army and the government of the workers 'and peasants' republic were supposed to leave the Central Revolutionary Base and evacuate to one of the districts of the Shenxi province (in northern China).

In 1931, China fell victim to Japanese aggression. By the start of World War II, Japan controlled most of Chinese territory.

Fascist regimes, as they arose and existed in the period between the two world wars, but are limited to a circle countries that are mentioned here. .

We leave aside the fascist and military-dictatorial regimes in Latin. America, the fascist state system of Portugal, the fascist political regime in the Union of South Africa (now the Republic of South Africa), etc.

Fascism was no exception to the rule, no accident.

The resolution adopted on the basis of G. Dimitrov's report at the VII Congress of the Comintern defined fascism as a political system of an open terrorist dictatorship, and the establishment of which capitalism seeks its salvation; as an open, terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic elements of finance capital in order to implement exceptional, predatory measures against the working people, to prepare an attack on the USSR , suppression of the colonial liberation movement ·. One cannot but agree with all this.

Bibliography:

State law of bourgeois and developing countries. - M: Legal. Lit, 1989

History of the state and law of foreign countries. Study guide in 2 parts. Part 2. Book. 2., - M: "College of Law of Moscow State University", 1994

Chernilovsky Z.M. General history of state and law, - M: "Jurist", 1995

· Dmitrov G. M. Report at the VII World Congress of the Communist International. Political report of the Central Committee of the BRP (C) to the V Congress of the Party. M, 1958, p. 8.

· A political regime is usually understood as "a set of techniques and methods by which the ruling class exercises its dictatorship." Under certain conditions, the political regime can be the exact opposite of the formal content of the constitution, which determines the state system.

· Resolution of the VII World Congress of the Comintern. - M:, 1935. - from. 9-32.

Fascism (from Italian fascio-bunch, bundle, union)? a right-wing radical political movement and ideological trend that rejects both liberal and socialist values. It is one of the main varieties of totalitarianism, but it is quite tolerant of private property. He is distinguished by chauvinist nationalism, anti-Semitism, racism and aggressiveness in foreign policy.

"Classic" examples of fascism? it is Italian fascism and German Nazism. The main distinguishing quality of fascism? militant anti-communism; and social and nationalist demagoguery. For all the complexity of the class composition of the fascist movement, its anti-proletarian character is decisive. Fascism? direct reaction of the entire anti-proletarian front to a possible socialist revolution in the context of the collapse or crisis of the bourgeois state, a split in the ruling class, social hysteria in all strata of society. The establishment of fascism represents a radical revolution leading to the complete and final destruction of bourgeois democracy by the bourgeoisie itself, since the social basis of its dictatorship has disintegrated.

When fascism is established, the class essence of state power does not change, and the nature of the socio-economic system does not change either. The most reactionary part of the bourgeoisie comes to power, which establishes a regime of arbitrariness and lawlessness. A product of the era of the general crisis of capitalism, fascism is openly terrorist dictatorship the most reactionary and chauvinistic elements of finance capital. What distinguishes fascism from other totalitarian regimes is, first of all, the preaching of "national socialism", under which bourgeois democracy is also liquidated, but this is done without "theoretical justification" and not under "socialist" slogans. This is due to the fact that the Nazis' understanding of socialism was very specific. Mussolini saw in him a great act of destruction, and Hitler? full commitment to the ideas of the nation. The Nazis focused on the popular in the 1920s and 1930s. ideas of socialism are mainly based mainly on demagogic considerations.

So, the following fundamental provisions can be attributed to the basic principles of fascist ideology:

· Conservative revolution, the essence of which is the elimination of the liberal order, which brought the country into a state of economic crisis and proletarian-revolutionary situation. Conservative revolution? the path by which the country will return to its former historical greatness. Fascist revolutionism, special, proceeding from the need for "order, discipline, obedience to the moral commandments of the Fatherland."

· Totalitarian state. Mussolini said that the party that rules totalitarian? "A new fact in history", analogies and comparisons are inappropriate here. The state subjugates society, destroys its civic foundations, subjecting all aspects of its life to statehood, including private (even intimate) relations.

· The idea of \u200b\u200ba nation. National revival is possible only within the framework of a totalitarian state in which national interests are decisive. Nation "absolute", a single whole. “The state educates citizens in civic virtues, it gives them awareness of its mission and encourages them to unite, harmonizes interests according to the principle of justice; ensures the continuity of the conquests of thought in the field of knowledge, art, law, solidarity; lifts people from elementary, primitive life to the heights of human power, that is, to the empire; keeps for future centuries the names of those who died for his inviolability and in the name of obedience to his laws; sets an example and exalts for future generations the leaders who enlarged its territory; geniuses who glorified him. "

· The idea of \u200b\u200ba "new order". Establishing the order of national prosperity and social justice requires the formation of a "new" person, devoted "with all his heart" to the state and the nation.

· Denial of class antagonism. The fascists argued that this idea of \u200b\u200bclass struggle and rivalry was nothing more than an invention of the liberals, "inflated" by the Marxists. The idea of \u200b\u200bclass in its essence contradicts the idea of \u200b\u200bthe unity of the German nation.

· Anti-parliamentarism and anti-multiparty system. From the point of view of fascist ideology, parliamentarianism leads to negative consequences for society, since the division of state power between groups of "fraudsters" who are trying to realize their private interests, cause political instability. At the same time, the real interests of the nation are grossly neglected. "There is not a single principle as deceitful as parliamentarism"? wrote Hitler. There can be only one party that merges with the nation into a single movement and monopolizes power, the rest should be banned and destroyed.

· Ban on trade unions. Trade unions express the interests of the working class exclusively, but the workers, first of all, are the citizens of their country. They are obliged to cooperate with fellow citizens who are not workers and cannot tolerate speaking out against their own compatriots.

· Anti-communism. The struggle against the communists took place both directly on the territory of the fascist states (where the communist parties were destroyed and prohibited), and had an international orientation, primarily towards the "homeland of communism" in the USSR. Did the Nazis partially define their intentions and tasks regarding this country in a political, ideological and strategic document? Drag Nach Osten. A. Hitler expressed his attitude and view of the communists as follows: “They literally trampled everything into the mud ... The nation, since it was considered a product of the capitalist classes; Fatherland, since it was considered an instrument of the bourgeoisie for the exploitation of the working class; rule of law? because for them it was a means of keeping the proletariat in check; religion, which was considered a means of stupefying the people for subsequent enslavement; morality? as a symbol of stupid and slavish obedience ”[cit. according to: 9, p.284].

· Non-recognition of the Versailles system. According to the Versailles Peace Treaty, a ban was introduced to have an army, obligations to pay reparations, and the introduction of a demilitarized zone. The Nazis first ignored these requirements, and then violated them. France and England allowed Germany to do this and did not oppose, hoping to direct the growing aggression against the USSR.

· Nationalism, racism, anti-Semitism. The fascists developed a radical degree of nationalism, the essence of which is that a nation "strong in spirit and will" is obliged to subjugate other nations and increase its own living space. Such concepts as "blood purity", "superior race" were introduced, on the basis of which plans were made for world domination and the transformation of part of the races into slaves: "these peoples have the only justification for their existence - to be useful to us economically" [ cit. on: 9, p.58], the rest were subject to destruction. Is ideological anti-Semitism expressed in practice as a mass genocide of Jews? Holocaust, because Jews were recognized as "the source of capitalism, Marxism" and accused of all their negative manifestations (unemployment, inflation, revolution): "If the Jews, with the help of their Marxist faith, conquer the peoples of the world, he will be crowned with a funeral wreath for mankind" [cit. on: 9, p.12]? believed Hitler, and also indicated the desire of the Jews to "denationalize, at the expense of the degeneration" of the representatives of the "superior race". Thus, it is obvious that the principles of nationalism, racism and anti-Semitism have inseparably grown together and reincarnated into a completely new and ultra-radical concept.

· Expansionism. From the first days of power, the fascists and Nazis began to prepare for the "big war", which was supposed to provide the German and Italian nation with domination over the whole world. The buildup of military power proceeded at a tremendous pace. Militarization filled all spheres of life. The idea of \u200b\u200bwar as a manifestation of the strength of a nation and its purpose is absolutely clearly traced in the speeches of both Hitler and Mussolini. "War? a sign of the vitality of a nation, the meaning of history ”[cit. according to: 31, p.203] proclaimed in his "Doctrine of Fascism" Duce. And the Fuhrer wrote in Mein Kampf: “Whoever wants to live must fight; whoever does not want to fight in this world, where eternal struggle is the law of life, has no right to exist ”[cit. according to: 9, p.193].

· Communitarianism. The meaning of this idea lies in the fact that the individual and society are completely inseparable, and the state is society, therefore, there are no rights and interests of the individual outside the state. The individual can and must realize all interests only through the communitarian, the general. To implement such an approach, it is necessary to begin to educate a “new man” whose interests will coincide with the interests of the nation and the state. First of all, communitarianism refers to the economic sphere, where national goals in the economy must be shared by each individual, directed and obeyed by the party leader.

· Leadership. Is fascism built on a charismatic principle? on the leadership. The supremacy of the Fuhrer, the Duce is "the embodiment of the racial national and popular spirit." The leader has unlimited power. He is a symbol of the greatness and unity of the nation. Social groups rally around the leader, thanks to which he skillfully manipulates and leads them to mobilize the nation and resolve acute problems.

Summing up this chapter, it should be noted that fascist ideology has a number of specific features, which, taken together, make it possible to define it as follows: firstly, it is the presence of a clear distinction between the ideology of the ruling elite and the masses. The elitism of the upper classes was justified, among other things, by biological arguments. Secondly, militant irrationalism, the utmost simplification of slogans and ideological clichés is characteristic of fascism. Thirdly, it was built on a charismatic principle - on leaderism. The supreme leader (Duce in Italy, Fuhrer in Germany), who has unlimited power, is the embodiment of the racial, national and popular spirit. The fourth characteristic of this ideology is the cult of power, the absolutization of the power factor in history, the denial of humanism. Combined with racism, the cult of violence has become one of the reasons for unleashing the bloodiest war in human history.

"Fashizm"

The content of the article:

• Fascism in different countries
• Fascism today
• Video

The word fascism, translated from Italian, briefly sounds like an alliance or union, and a fascist, respectively, is an adherent of fascism. The form of government is dictatorship. The history of fascism dates back to the ancient Romans.
In the modern world, fascism is called a political movement, as well as a form of power that originated from Italy at the beginning of the last century. Later, this movement began to spread to other countries, such as in Germany during the government of Adolf Hitler. Fascism is characterized by the principles of leadership, partisanship, and most importantly - violence.

Fascism and racism: how they are in common

Science does not give one common opinion about the commonality of racism and fascism. Some scholars believe that fascism made a bias in the superiority of the nation, not the race. Therefore, these two concepts were not identified. The second point of view has become more widespread in the modern world. If fascism is a kind of teaching about a higher person, then racism fits harmoniously into this concept. According to the theory of scientists, this political movement, which originated in Italy, was much closer to racism than is commonly thought.

Fascism: the main features and general features of fascist associations

The main feature of fascism is the strong role of the state in regulating all spheres of society. Fascism does not tolerate dissent and completely subjugates itself using violent methods. Varieties of fascism include traditionalism, often leaderism, nationalism, anti-communism, extremism, and more.
Fascism, for the most part, arises in states with an economic crisis leading to social and political crises. The fascists used styles that were not typical for those times. They all consisted of mass events. Also, the masculine character of the party was emphasized, in a sense the secularization of religiosity, unconditional approval and widespread use of violence in resolving political conflicts.

Fascism includes some moments from anti-socialism, anti-capitalism and anti-modernism. Nationalism was one of the foundations of this movement. However, small fascist movements had to reckon with the ideology of other similar movements. Thus, it turns out that, despite their nationalistic ideology, they had to accept the ideals of foreign models. Subsequently, both the right and left movements of Nazism began to fight this.
The Nazis brutally destroyed their political enemies. Randomly selected minority parties were also targeted.

Fascism in different countries

Briefly - fascism, and more fundamentally - the doctrine of Benitto Mussolini. He believed that the state should represent the power of corporations. In Italy, fascism originated in the 10s of the last century. Mussolini, having come to power, established a dictatorship. In his book La Dottrina del Fascismo, the leader of the movement equated the word "fascism" with the system of government and this word had the meaning of "ideology."
Further fascism spread to Germany. The leader of the National Socialist Party was Adolf Hitler, who planned the seizure of European lands through the Blitzkrieg plan.

Mussolini became Hitler's inspiration. The leader of German fascism himself claimed that Italian ideology became the basis for the formation of the Nazi party in Germany. The connection between Germanic and Italian fascism was, for example, in anti-Semitism. The German fascists advanced the farthest of all like-minded people towards their goal. The Blitzkrieg plan, which promised territorial expansion, nevertheless failed.

During the existence of German fascism, Romania formed its own Nazi party (1927-1941).
In 1934, the Second Spanish Republic emerged in Spain. This gave impetus to the beginning of Spanish fascism. The leader was Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera.

In 1928, the Catholic Church supported Oliveira Salazar's rise to power. His dictatorial rule lasted for about 40 years, until Oliveira fell ill and stopped running the country. He retired. Marcelo Caetano, who became the leader of Spain, put an end to the fascist regime. The new state under the leadership of Oliveira Salazar became the longest-lasting of the previously existing fascist regimes.

Fascist ideology in Brazil was called integralism. Plina Salgada became the founder. Integralism has absorbed some of the features of Italian fascism. But the Brazilian fascists differed from the European ones in that they did not promote racism. This movement even took blacks into its ranks.

In Russia, fascism became widespread before the outbreak of World War II (30s - 40s of the XX century). Russian fascism took its inspiration from Italian Nazism. The founders were white emigres who settled in Germany, Manchuria and the United States. Russian fascism took its name from the Black Hundred and White Movement movements. They did not pursue an active policy (except for white emigrants from Manchuria). The only thing they were doing was anti-Semitic orientation. During the implementation of the Blitzkrieg plan, the Russian fascists sided with the invaders.

In the period from the 20s to the mid 50s of the XX century, mainly on the territory of Western Ukraine, there was the OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists). The main ideology was protection from the influence of Poland and the Soviet Union. The creation of an independent state was planned. The structure was to include the lands of Poland, the Soviet Union, Romania and Czechoslovakia. That is, the territories where Ukrainians lived. It was with these goals that they justified their terror. The activities of the OUN were anti-Soviet, anti-Polish and anti-communist. Historians not only equate the OUN with Italian fascism, but also argue about the greater extremism of the former.

In the history of some countries, movements can be traced that are similar to the ideology of fascism, but they are in no hurry to unite with the fascists. These movements are mainly anti-liberal or anti-communist. They use the methods of fascism, but do not set themselves the goal of creating a supreme nation. For example, parafascism. This regime is authoritarian.

Fascism today

Today in Russia there is such a thing as neo-Nazism. It consists in adherence to Nazi symbols, anti-Semitism and racism.

Neo-Nazism can be both individual and organized. In the case of the organized, neo-Nazism is an extreme form. In the media, you can see reports related to the crimes of neo-Nazis. He can also achieve anti-Christian and anti-Abrahamic views.
The adherents of neo-Nazism are distinguished by their musical preferences. This is mainly rock music or patriotic songs performed with a guitar.

There are different types of neo-Nazi symbols. It can be the flag of the Russian Empire, symbols of the Third Reich, Russian symbols, Nazi symbols in general, pagan (pseudo-pagan) or their own symbols.

It is worth noting that fascist symbols today can be used as a specific type or in combination. Attributes with neo-Nazism symbols are purchased, for the most part, through online stores. There you can buy jewelry items (rings, watches, bracelets), knives and read items with symbols.
A feature of the neo-Nazi movement in Russia is that its members adhere to the rules of a healthy lifestyle.
According to representatives of this movement, power, television and the economy are not in the hands of the Slavic people. They advocate the purity of the race in these industries.

The use of symbols of different types leads to conflicts with each other.
In the United States, there is such a thing as neo-fascism. During the Second World War, the United States actively fought against the Nazis, and now this movement quietly exists among the Americans. In the current political situation, there is an opinion that neo-fascists are being turned against Russia. The United States has published post-war documents showing American ties to the Nazis. The goal of this cooperation was unification against the Soviet Union. The deterioration of political relations between the United States and the USSR was partly due to the cooperation of the United States authorities with the Nazis.

Despite the fact that the USSR fought with all its might against the fascists, in Latvia Russians were and are called occupiers. Latvians glorify fascists as heroes. The destruction of Soviet monuments, the renaming of streets and the destruction of the Russian language in the country take place on a regular basis. And all this is happening despite the fact that Russian-speaking citizens live in Latvia.

Lithuanian history textbooks teach children that the Lithuanians fully supported the German army, thereby freeing themselves from the oppression of the Soviet Union. The Estonian ruling circles are of the same opinion.
As we know from history, Ukraine has always been secretly divided into Western and Eastern. The massive spread of neo-fascism in Ukraine took place and is taking place in its western part. During the Second World War, this part of the Ukrainians supported the Nazis. Today the situation is developing in such a way that Ukraine has begun its split again. The Russian-speaking population is being oppressed. Can mass oppression be called fascism? The people themselves, living in the territory of eastern Ukraine, consider the political methods of the country's leadership as the beginnings of fascism. The civil war today, indirectly says the same thing.

Fascism (Italian fascismo, fascio - bundle, bundle, unification) is a political and ideological trend that arose in Western Europe during the crisis of capitalist (industrial) society in the 30s. xx c. and expressing the interests of the most reactionary and aggressive forces. Denies both liberal-democratic and egalitarian-socialist values, is one of the varieties of totalitarianism. The political aspects of the ideology of fascism are contained in the works of famous functionaries of Italian and German fascism A. Rocco and A. Rosenberg, as well as the leaders of the fascist movement A. Hitler ("Meine kampf" - "My struggle") in Germany and B. Mussolini in Italy.

The main ideas of fascism:

- the need to use extreme forms of violence to suppress dissent and opposition;

- anti-communism;

- chauvinism, racism - the theory of racial inequality and superiority of the respective race, anti-Semitism;

- nationalistic geopolitical concepts;

- widespread use of state-monopolistic methods of economic regulation;

- the omnipotence of the state machine, the state apparatus ("theory of the total state");

- maximum control over all manifestations of public and private life of people; the ability to politically activate the population through nationalist and social demagogy;

- Leadership - the principle of the Fuhrer of the National Socialist organization;

- an aggressive and aggressive foreign policy.

Fascism relies on massive totalitarian political party (coming to power, it becomes a state-monopoly organization) and the indisputable authority of the "leader", the "Fuhrer". The Fuhrer is both the spokesman and the personification of racial, national and popular spirit. From him comes the power of the state, he gives certain powers to the lower leaders.

The ideology of fascism identifies society with the nation, and the nation with the state. The interests of the state are immeasurably higher than the interests of individual individuals, groups and organizations. The power of the fascist state depends on the spiritual unity of the masses, which must be protected by any means. Except for the fascist party - the only bearer of the power and destiny of the state, no other parties with their inter-party struggle have the right to exist. Any democratic movements and organizations, as well as the manifestation of free thought, were strictly prohibited under fascism. To fight dissent, the fascist states used developed police forces, special paramilitary organizations, a total system of surveillance and control, concentration camps in which many tens of thousands of democrats, cultural figures and opponents of fascism were killed, millions of Jews, Slavs and simply representatives of the “non-Aryan »Population.

The Second World Warunleashed by the fascist states - Germany, Italy and others, brought the greatest disasters to the peoples of the world. More than 50 million people died in its course. The defeat of fascist Germany and its allies in 1945 by the forces of the anti-Hitler and anti-fascist coalition dealt a decisive blow to fascism and contributed to the revival of democratic states.